he public

his own,

kind are

be false;

it were

ny good thought, g among Con the

purest

may afford us fome co there should in fact be 1 able portion of public among us; and thoug found who would ferve lefs they derived fome ber felves. And that is, th INTEREST of the greater

Tome ftand against the

fpotism. Many may derive a temporary advantage from a compliance with the ambitious defigns of a prince, or of a minister; but it muft ever be the intereft of the bulk of the people to fupport their own privileges. The great danger is, left they fhould not have a juft fenfe of their value and importance, and of the neceffity of guarding with the utmoft vigilance against the encroachments of power.

THERE feems to be one unhappy error, which has prevailed too much in the prefent age, as well as at former periods. I mean, an opinion which has been entertained, by many perfons of confiderable property, that it is their intereft on all occafions to fupport the meafures of government, on the fuppofition, that this is the beft means of preventing any fuch civil diffenfions, as would endanger the fecurity of their own property. But the

truth

truth is, that the best method of rendering property fecure, is for the members of the community in general to take every just, legal, and constitutional method of afferting their native rights. Under a defpotic government no property can be fecure; every thing is at the mercy of the prince, and his minifters. And in a limited government like ours, there cannot be a greater encouragement to the arbitrary views of those invested with the reins of power, than to fee great numbers of the moft confiderable landholders, and wealthiest merchants and traders, ready to fubmit with tameness and fervility to all the measures of government, however injurious and oppreffive. The confequence of this is, the ministry proceed to greater lengths than they would otherwise dare to do; and a great part of the nation may become fo much exafperated,

rated, as to render fome violent convulfions in the state almost inevitable.

THis appears to have been in a great measure the cafe in the reign of Charles the First. That arbitrary prince and his minifters were encouraged in their mifchievous defigns, by the manifeft want of public fpirit in too many perfons of rank and fortune; and the pufillanimity of the Juxurious and wealthy brought on them that civil war, and thofe evils, which they fo much dreaded; which would probably have been prevented by a more manly and patriotic conduct. The fame caufes will naturally produce the fame effects at other periods; and the beft method that the opulent can take of fecuring their property, is to oppofe, in a legal manner, all thofe violent and unconftitutional meafures of government, which have a natu

ral

ral tendency to exafperate the bulk of the

nation.

As to thofe reflections which are often thrown out, whether with reafon or otherwise, against individuals who are embarked in the cause of the people, it may be remarked, that it can never be admitted to be a juft fentiment, that, in an opposition to an oppreffive fyftem of administration, we ought to act in concert with none but men of pure and virtuous principles. If this were to be admitted as an essential point, it would be impoffible that any oppofition to tyranny could be fuccessful. It were, indeed, greatly to be wifhed, that all who engage in a good cause should be influenced by the moft honourable and worthy motives; but this

never can be universally the cafe. All large bodies of men must consist of persons of different characters, views, and in

terests;