surprise them yet more is, that the Americans are quite indifferent about the exercise of their right. Multitudes continually neglect it, and multitudes more would never go to the polls, were they not ferreted out of their retirement, and dragged thither. In the Southern and Middle States, this indifference is most remarkable.-Throughout New England it is hardly manifest. " too lencies," some hundreds of " honours," True, there are no game laws; and when an Englishman first puts his foot upon the soil, he is wild with delight, on finding that he may wander whither he will, over any man's land, in pursuit of what he can find, without any sort of qualification. But his ardour soon abates, when he finds that every body else may enjoy the same privilege; that there is no distinction in it; and that there is very little of what may be called game in America, unless he choose to go into the wilderness. By and by he comes to care as little about sporting as the Americans do about suffrage, or as any man would for grapes, who should have them continually before him. Toujours pedrix is the complaint of all mankind, after the fever of excitement is over. Those things which delight us most are apt to weary us the soonest. Let people have their own way for a little time among rarities, and they will soon become tired of them. The pastry-cooks and confectioners understand this, and put it in practice on every new appren tice. Their President and Vice-President, the Secretaries of the war, state, navy, and treasury departments, and their foreign ambassadors, are all excellencies; their judges, who probably exceed five hundred, are all honours; all their senators, whether of a State, or of the United States, and sometimes their representatives, particularly to Congress, are honourables; all members of the bar, from the attorney and conveyancer upward, all magistrates, merchants, public officers,gen-, tlemen, and those who have no other particular title, are esquires. Such is the consistency of republicans when left to themselves. But the Americans have a small standing army, (all that they require for their protection ;) a national debt, which, however it may be in the way of extinguishment, is bitterly complained of there; taxes, that are not thought low in America; a formidable aristocracy of wealth; a great regard for family and birth; and what is yet harder to believe, when we call to mind the genius of their government, and the clause in their constitution which prohibits the creation of titles, the republican Americans have titles in abundance, and are quite as jealous of them, too, as any other people under the sun. There are some dozens of "excel We hear a good deal, too, of republican economy. We are told that the twenty-four Governors, and the President, Vice President, the twenty-four State-houses of Representatives, and the twenty-four Senates, together with the Senate and House of Representatives, or Congress, (all of whom are paid,) with all the expenses of the twenty-five governments, civil and. military, including the salaries of all the ambassadors, judges, and public officers do not cost the people of the United States so much as the people of this country allow annually to the King of Great Britiain. This may, or may not, be true. It is hardly worth our while to examine the fact on this occasion. We are willing to admit, however, for a moment, that it is true. that But it should not be forgotten that our population is much greater, much richer, and fuller of resources; our supreme executive is in one individual; that a large portion of the supply so voted to him, is diverted into other channels; that our legislative body receive no pay; that our judi- comparative power, such as that which compared with another, but positive we allow to this or that nation, when power-the strength and vigor of the government. This is always in proportion to the strength of the majority;— and this majority may be in the form of wealth, numbers, religion, law, or military force. the comparative advantages of a moMen may say what they will about narchical and republican government. Both have their advantages, both their disadvantages. ment often, and the substantial freedom of the people almost always, deThe form of governpend upon the situation of the country. rich and fertile territory, full of tempA wealthy population, occupying a tation to the plundering banditti of the But the way in which the compar- rians, or standing armies, must have world, surrounded by warlike barbaison is made is not a fair one. should estimate the population and re- stantaneously-must have standing arWe the power of protecting themselves, insources of each country; we should mies, or an equivalent-must endow recollect that, by the distribution of the their chief magistrate, whatever he may governing power in America into twen- be called, or their executive, in whatty-five parts, each paying its own offi- ever shape it may exist, with more cers, the utmost vigilance and frugality power, of every kind, than would be are insured in the administration of necessary if they were each; and that, by the concentration of off, remote from, or inaccessible to the whole governing power into one danger, whether they were entrenchpoor, afar point, as in Great Britain, it is gradual-ed by mountains, or encompassed by ly the interest of some one (or more) of the parts to encourage expenditure in the whole, that itself may profit by it. Unluckily for those who feel a sober concern about the American people, as forming a large part of the human family, her institutions have become, instead of what they should be, a matter of serious investigation, rather a theme for poetry and eloquence. Yet, after all, it will be found, perhaps, under the present constitution of things, that, in one respect, all governments are alike-arbitrary in proportion to their power. We do not mean oceans. tion came to a close, the Congress of Thus, before the American revoluwith nearly absolute power-in effect. the Confederacy endowed Washington They allowed him to choose his own officers (with two or three exceptions); to levy contributions, and to call for men, at his discretion. And if the United States were, at rope, or if a separation should unhapthis hour, situated in the middle of Eupily take place among themselves, (a Mr. Munroe's ingenious and plausible very probable event, notwithstanding supposition,*) they would soon be obli *Mr. Munroe, in his last message, speaks of the remarkable faculty, inherent, as he supposes, in the constitution of the American confederacy, by virtue of which, on the admission of every new State, the chance of separation is diminished, while the strength of the whole is augmented. Mr. Munroe is mistaken. The confederacy is already too large. The longer the sceptre, the more an manageable it will always be. Sources of difference already exist, and are continually multiplying. The alleged encroachment of the Supreme Court, as the supreme judiciary of the country, upon the legislative power, under pretence of construction, which amounts, in reality, to legislation; the disputes between Virginia and Kentucky; the sectional prejudices; the real inequality of representation and taxation, are some of these. In fact, every State has its own particular grievances; and, of course, if you augment the num ged to keep up a standing army, or a militia continually under arms; to choose military men for civil offices ;to reward the popular favourites, who, in time of war, would, of course, be the most fortunate and adventurous of their military men, by the highest of fices; to give the President the power of declaring war; and, probably, to keep him in office during life, partly on account of his experience, partly to avoid the danger of electioneering controversy,and partly, whatever he might be, under the fear of changing for the worse. And so, too, if Great Britain were as remote from the influence and peril of great political combinations as are the United States, there would be less need of monarchical vigour, royal prerogative, and power, or standing armies. In such a case, the disturbers of public tranquillity, by mischievous writing or speaking, might be generally left, as they are in America, to the discretion of the public themselves. A prosecution for seditious or blasphemous writing, or for a libel upon government, or any of its officers, was probably never heard of in America. The truth is, that a republic is well fitted for a time of tranquillity; but the moment that invasion presses upon it, all its administration is obliged to take upon itself more and more of a monarchical vigour and bearing, not only in the military, but civil: depart ments. We would say, then, to our countrymen, and to the Americans, Have done with all political comparisons, unless you choose to go profoundly into the subject. Let us have no prattling upon the solemn business of government. Do not imagine that a monarchical or republican form of government is the best for every people, in every possible situation. It were wiser to believe in a panacea-what is good for one will, for that very reason, be bad for another of a different constitution, temperament or habits. Above all, do not believe that a people are much freer under one kind of government than under another. The form, after all, is only a shadow. Power will be felt whenever it is tempted or provoked; and every government, whatever may be its nature--civil, military, or religious,-or how ever constituted, fashioned, or named, will be arbitrary, in proportion to its power. A formidable minority will always be respected; an overwhelming majority will always be tyrannical and unjust. In Turkey, such a minority would be free. In the United States, such a majority would be-for they have been-wholly regardless of decency toward the minority, exactly in proportion to their own ascendancy over them. Let war be declared against this country to-morrow in America. Let one man alone lift up his voice against it, or presume to remonstrate, and he would be treated with contempt, lampooned, burnt in effigy, or perhaps tarred and feathered. But let a third part of the country stand up with him, and they will be treated with most respectful consideration,just as they would be in Turkey. Institute no political comparisons, therefore, we would say for it is a hundred to one, whether you be an American or an Englishman, that you do not well understand what you are talking about. If you happen to be an American, do not believe that you have captured, sunk, and destroyed the whole British navy; and if you are an Englishman, do not dream of re-colonizing America. Avoid these two things, and you will do well enough. Leave it to such men as Mr. Cobbett, in this country, and some others of a like temper in America, to keep up a state of artificial hostility between Be ber of States, you augment the number of their grievances, and, therefore, the chances of separation. cause, if one desire to separate, and is afraid of being prevented by force, she will combine with others, until sufficiently strong, each helping to relieve the other. These grievances are not felt now; but, in a time of war, with an enemy at the door, and heavy taxes pressing them down, as they suppose, unequally, almost every state will have the disposition to dictate some sort of terms to the rest, and the power, very often, to. enforce her claims, be they just or unjust. The last war was full of warning on this point. the two countries. We mention Mr. Cobbett, because we happen to have met with an amusing-and yet we know not if it would not be more proper to call it a melancholy coincidence, between the opinions of him and an American editor, of a similar character, upon the same point. Thus much to show what mischief may be done by a light, hasty, or thoughtless piece of humour-even if we are willing to consider their remarks in the light of humour. Let all such things be avoided. same speeches, on the same occasion, had the sagacity to adopt a course of policy precisely similar to that of the American. He did not resort, as a vulgar pamphleteer would, to a downright calling of names; but he affected to believe that Mr. Canning had forgotten his dignity as an English minisWhen the last message of the Ameter, and truckled to an agent from a rican President was put into our nation of shopkeepers. Had many hands, it was accompanied with an others of Mr. Canning's countrymen American paper. We were rejoicing believed this, he would have been dein the apparent simultaneous express- spised, and the American hated. ion of similar sentiments by our cabinet and that of America. Mr. Munroe and Mr. Canning had spoken the same language, almost at the same time. This was either preconcerted, or it was not. If it was--what a voice to the nations of the earth! How plainly did it say, "Thus far shall ye go, but no further." If it was not how much more terrible! The one would have been the voice of two cabinets, the other of two nations; the one a communication by the telegraph, the other, by electricity. It was at this moment, while we were yet full of the proud, confident feeling, which a course of reflection like that would naturally produce, that our attention was attracted by the name of Mr. Canning, in the American paper. It was at the head of a speech, by that gentleman, at the Liverpool dinner, where he and Mr. Hughes accidently met. The time had gone by for the American editor to abuse the British minister. It was no longer popular. He chose quite another course. He affected to believe that Mr. Canning, whose reputation for wit stands high in America, was only playing off a little of his cabinet pleasantry upon the credulous American. Nothing, of course, had it been believed, could have been more provoking. But not long after this we wet with a precisely parallel case, in the management of an English politician, or rather political writer, on the very same point. It was for this reason alone that we have remembered it. Mr. Cobbett, in speaking of the A little mutual forbearance, a little charity, and a little patient inquiry, will do more toward effecting a hearty and permanent reconciliation between the people of the two countries, than all the enthusiasm of all the reformers, poets, and philanthropists that ever lived. We are all of the same family; descended from the same parents; having the same religion; the same laws; the same language; the same habits, and the same literature. What, then, should keep us asunder? We only want to know each other intimately and truly, to become one great brotherhood. Will the political genius of the two governments prevent this? -No-for though one be a monarchy, and the other a republic; and, therefore, to all appearance not likely to seek a coalition of themselves, unless they are forced into it by an equality of pressure on every side-yet there is now, and will probably be for a long time, such a pressure; and if the subject be seriously investigated, it will be found that the two governments, and the two nations, after all, are more essentially the same, in all that constitutes the source of attraction, affinity, and attachment among nations, than are any two republics, or any two monarchies, under heaven. London, June 8. X. Y. Z. (Lond. Lit. Gaz.) CHARACTER-HIGH-STICKS. To get on board, I descended from the quay to the deck. Please, Sir, to remember the ladder," said an old grey-headed, blear-eyed man. "Aye, aye, my friend, you need not speak upon that subject, for there's a spoke gone, which nearly tumbled me overboard; I shan't forget o' one while."" It's customary, your honour."-" What, a broken ladder ?”— “No, your honour, that was accident; but every body gi'es some-ut."-" Do they? then I must follow the mode," putting a small coin in his hand. "Let go the head-rope, (hallooed the Captain,) and haul her bow round; let go, let go of all !"-" Aye, aye, Sir, there she goes! there she walks! Hats and wigs, gemmen, look out for the mainboom."-"How does she go, mate," cried the Captain at the helm. "Never better, Sir; her bow is between the two cat-heads."-"Steady, and keep her so. Steady, 'tis mate, steady!"— And thus we passed between the pierheads, receiving the farewells of those we left behind. After parting with the spectators, it was very natural for us to look at one another. For myself, I had little else to do. Close shut up in her carriage lashed on one side of the deck was the Countess Dowager of- and Sir CW, who thus took an opportunity of journeying to Paris (in company with a female friend) to visit his wife, after she had been making a tour of the Continent with a gentle cousin. On the bench abaft them sat a Cossack chief and suite. They had been to England to try our beef against their boeuf de cheval. The top of the sky-light was occupied by Sir F-Fand Lady, a Deputy Commissary-general, Sir--, whose carriage and four greys were aboard, and a young buck of fashion, who lithped hith accenths tho. On the opposite side of the deck was an ancient, farmer-looking man.He appeared equally in his element in ploughing the wave, as he would have been upon his own estate. There was a good humoured unconcernedness about him, and his looks seemed to say, with the old miller's song, 53 ATHENEUM VOL. 1. ner series. : "I cares for nobody, no not I, By his side, and still gazing at the |