p ch. xxi. 83: xxiv. 7. q ch. xxii. 30. rch. xviii. 15: XXV. 19. sch. xxvi. 31. t ver. 20. governor. 25 And he wrote a letter after this manner: 26 Claudius Lysias unto the most excellent governor Felix sendeth greeting. 27 P This man was taken of the Jews, and should have been killed of them: then came I with zan army, and rescued him, having understood that he was a Roman. 28 9 And when I would have known the cause wherefore they accused him, I brought him forth into their council: 29 whom I perceived to be accused of questions of their law, but to have nothing laid to his charge worthy of death or of bonds. 30 And when it was told me how that the Jews laid wait for the man, I sent u ch. xxiv. 8: straightway to thee, and "gave commandment to his accusers also to say before thee what they had against him. Farewell. 31 Then the soldiers, as it was commanded them, took Paul, and brought him by night to Antipatris. 32 On the morrow they left the horsemen to go with him, and returned to the castle: 33 who, when they came to Cæsarea, and delivered the epistle to the governor, presented Paul also before him. 34 And when the governor had read the letter, he asked of what province he was. And when he understood that he was of * Cilicia; 35 y I will hear thee, said he, when thine ac XXV. 6. x ch. xxi. 39. y ch. xxiv. 1, 10: xxv. 16. z render, the troop. man of Antonia. He was made sole procu- 27. with the troop] See above ver. 10, and note, ch. xxi. 32. rescued him, having understood that he was a Roman] The fact was not as he here states it. This was an attempt to conceal the fault that he had committed, see ch. xxii. 29. For this assertion cannot refer to the second rescue: see next verse. 31.] ANTIPATRIS, forty-two Roman miles from Jerusalem, and twenty-six from Cæsarea, was built by Herod the Great, and called in honour of his father. It was before called Kapharsaba. In Jerome's time it was a half-ruined town. They might have well made so much way during the night and the next day,-for the text will admit of that interpretation, the morrow being not necessarily the morrow after they left Jerusalem, but after they arrived at Antipatris. 32. the horsemen] As they had now the lesser half of their journey before them, and that furthest removed from Jerusalem. The spearmen appear to have gone back with the soldiers. 35. in Herod's palace] The procurator resided in the former palace of Herod the Great. Here Paul was committed to the custody of a soldier, not in a prison, but in the buildings attached to the palace. cusers are also come. And he commanded him to be kept in Herod's judgment hall. z Matt. xxvii. 27. a ch. xxi. 27. a 2, XXIV. 1 And after five days Ananias the high priest descended with the elders, and with a certain 30, 35: xxv. orator named Tertullus, who informed the governor against Paul. 2 And when he was called forth, Tertullus began to accuse him, saying, Seeing that by thee we enjoy great quietness, and that very worthy deeds are done unto this nation by thy providence, 3 we accept it always, and in all places, most noble Felix, with all thankfulness. 4 Notwithstanding, that I be not further tedious unto thee, I pray thee that thou wouldest hear us of thy clemency a few words. 5 For we have found this man a pestilent e Luke xxiii. 2. fellow, and a mover of sedition among all throughout the world, and a ringleader of the Nazarenes: 6d who also hath gone about to 1. CHAP. XXIV. 1-XXVI. 32.] PAUL'S IMPRISONMENT AT CESAREA. after five days] or, on the fifth day—from Paul's departure for Cæsarea. This would be the natural point from which to date the proceedings of the High Priest, &c., who were left in Jerusalem. That it is so, appears from ver. 11. See note there. a certain orator] This was an "orator forensis," or pleader, persons who abounded in Rome and the provinces. Tertullus] The name is a diminutive from Tertius, as Lucullus from Lucius,--Catullus from Catius. We are told that many Roman youths, who were studying for the bar, were in the habit of accompanying the magistrates into the provinces, to practise themselves in pleading the causes of the provincials, and thus be preparing for more important actions in the metropolis. informed] laid information; and, as it seems, not by writing, but by word of mouth, since they appeared in person, and Paul was called to confront them. 2.] Grotius tells us that it is among the precepts of the rhetoricians, to win the favour of a judge by praising him. Certainly Tertullus fulfils and overacts the precept, for his exordium is full of the basest flattery. Contrast with his "great quietness" and "worthy deeds," the description of Tacitus, where he says that Felix, and Ventidius Cumanus, who ruled in Galilee, emulated one another in crimes and enormities. They carried out their mutual с ch, vi. 13: 6: xxi. 28. the Jews xvi.20 xvii. sect of the 15. profane the d ch. xxi. 28. c render, heresy. enmity by employing bands of robbers to slay and plunder, who sometimes met in open battle, and brought back their spoils to the procurator. Contrast also Josephus's account of the inhabitants of Cæsarea sending a deputation to Rome to complain of the oppressions and enormities of Felix. There was just enough foundation for the flattery, to make the falsehood of its general application to Felix more glaring. He had put down some rebels (see ch. xxi. 38, note) and assassins, but, as Wetstein remarks, was himself worse than them all. by thy providence] This was with the Latins, as with us, more properly an attribute of divinity than of men; but with other divine characteristics, had come to be attributed to the Emperors. 66 "The providence of Casar" is a common phrase on their coins. 3.] We receive it, i. e. not only here in thy presence, but also at all times and in all places. A refinement of flattery. 5. the world would here mean the Roman empire. Nazarenes] This is the only place in the New Testament where the Christians are so called. The Jews could not call them by any name answering to Christians, as the hope of a Messiah or Christ was professed by themselves. 6.] Considerable difficulty rests on the omission of the words here put in brackets. Their absence from the principal MSS., their many variations in those which contain them, are strongly against their genuineness; as also is the considera 31. fch. xxi. 33. e John xviii. temple: whom we took [,a and would have judged according to our law. 7 But the chief captain Lysias came upon us, and with great violence took him away out of our hands, g ch. xxiii. 30. 8 g commanding his accusers to come unto thee]: by examining of whom thyself mayest take knowledge of all these things, whereof we accuse him. 9 And the Jews also assented, saying that these things were so. 10 Then Paul, after that the governor had beckoned unto him to speak, answered, Forasmuch as I know that thou hast been of many years a judge unto this nation, I do the more cheerfully answer for myself: 11 because that thou mayest understand, that there are yet but twelve days since I 12 i And they h ver. 17. ch. went up to Jerusalem for to worship. xxi 26. ich. xxv. 8: xxviii. 17. neither found me in the temple disputing with any man, neither raising up the people, neither in the synagogues, nor in the city: 13 neither can they prove the things The whole of this passage is omitted by most of our ancient authorities : on the question, see note. tion that no probable reason for their omission can be suggested. On the other hand, as De Wette observes, it is hardly imaginable that so little should have been assigned to the speaker, as would be if these words were omitted. Besides this, the words whom we took seem to require some sequel, some reason, after his seizure, why he was there present and freed from Jewish durance. The phænomena are common enough in the Acts, of unaccountable insertions; but in this place it is the omission which is unaccountable, for no similarity of ending, no doctrinal consideration can have led to it. 8.] by examining of whom, if the disputed words be inserted, refers naturally enough to Lysias; but if they be omitted, to Paul, which would be very unlikely, that the judge should be referred to the prisoner (for examination by torture on one who had already claimed his rights as a Roman citizen, can hardly be intended) for the particulars laid to his charge. Certainly it might, on the other hand, be said that Tertullus would hardly refer the governor to Lysias, whose interference he had just characterized in such terms of blame; but (which is a strong argument for the genuineness of the doubtful words) remarkably enough, we find Felix, ver. 22, putting off the trial till the arrival of Lysias. The English reader should be cautioned against one mistake which the form of the words in the A. V. rather encourages: the referring whom to the accusers. This cannot be, as the relative "whom" is, in the original, in the singular. 9. assented] joined in setting upon him, bore out Tertullus in his charges. 10. of many years] Felix was now in the seventh year of his procuratorship, which began in the twelfth year of Claudius, A.D. 52.— The contrast between Tertullus's and Paul's winning favour with the judge is remarkable. The former I have characterized above. But the Apostle, using no flattery, yet alleges the one point which could really win attention to him from Felix, viz. his confidence arising from speaking before one well skilled by experience in the manners and customs of the Jews. 11. twelve days] The point of this seems to be, that Felix having been so long time a judge among the Jews, must be well able to search into and adjudicate on an offence whose whole course was comprised within so short a period.-The twelve days may be thus made out: 1. his arrival in Jerusalem, ch. xxi. 15-17; 2. his interview with James, ib. 18 ff.; 3. his taking on him the vow, ib. 26; 3-7. the time of the vow, interrupted by-7. his apprehension, ch. xxi. 27; 8. his appearance before the Sanhedrim, ch. xxii. 30 ff.; 9. his departure from Jerusalem (at night); and so to the 13th, the day now current, which was the 5th inclusive from his leaving Jerusalem. This is far more natural than to suppose that the days which he had already spent at Cæsarea are not to be counted, be whereof they now accuse me. 14 But this I confess unto 1 k viii. 14. ch. ix. 2. 12 Tim. i. 3. mch. xxvi. 22: xxviii. 23. and in the prophets : which they themselves nch. xxiii 6: a resurrection [ of the I xxvi. 6, 7: xxviii. 20. oan. xii. 2. John v. 28, p ch. xxiii. 1. thee, that after the way which they call heresy, so k see Amos worship I the God of my fathers, believing all things which are written in m the law 15 and have hope toward God, also allow, that there shall be dead,] both of the just and unjust. 16 And P herein do exercise myself, to have always a conscience void offence toward God, and toward men. 17 g Now after many years I came to bring alms to my nation, and q 18 h Whereupon certain Jews from Asia found offerings. me purified in the temple, neither with multitude, nor with tumult. 19 s Who ought to have been here before sch. xxiii. 30: e omit. see notes. of ch. xi. 29, 30: v. Gal. reh. xxi. 26. xx. 16. Rom. xv. 25. 2 Cor. S ii. 10. 27: xxvi. 21. XXV. 16. 8 render, But. Amidst which, i. e. my offerings. For the literal rendering, and force, heresy, cause his raising disturbances while in custody was out of the question. 12. in the city] literally, throughout the city, 'any where in the city;' as we say, 'up and down the streets.' 14.] The But here has its peculiar force, of taking off the attention from what has immediately preceded, and raising a new point as more worthy of notice. But, (if thou wouldst truly know the reason why they accuse me'), this is the whole grievance. in allusion to the same word used by Tertullus, ver. 5. The word is capable of an indifferent or of a bad sense. Tertullus had used it in the latter. Paul explains what it really was. the god of my fathers] literally, my paternal God (see below). Notice in the words the skill of Paul. The term was one well known to the Greeks and Romans, and which would carry with it its own justification. The abandonment of a man's national worship and attaching himself to strange gods and modes of worship was regarded unfavourably by the Romans: and the Jews had had their worship of their fathers' God with their ancient national rites, again and again secured to them by decrees of magistrates and of the senate. In his address to the Jews (ch. xxii. 14) the similar expression, "the God of our fathers," brings out more clearly those individual fathers, in whom Felix had no interest further than the identification of Paul's religion with that of his ancestors required. 15. they themselves] literally, these very men. It would appear from this, that the High Priest and the deputation were not of the 16. Sadducees. But perhaps this inference is too hasty; Paul might regard them as representing the whole Jewish people, and speak generally, as he does of the same hope ch. xxvi. 7, where he assigns it to "our twelve tribes." The words "of the dead," inserted here in some MSS. to fill up the meaning, are not likely to have been spoken by the Apostle. The juxtaposition of those words, which excited mockery even when the Gospel was being directly preached, would hardly have been hazarded in this defence, where every expression is so carefully weighed. herein] accordingly, i.e. having and cherishing this hope.' I also, i. e. 'as well as they? 17.] But refers back to the former "but," ver. 14. 'But the matter of which they complain is this, that after an absence of many years,' &c.-See 1 Cor. xvi. 3, 4; 2 Cor. viii. ix. notes, ch. xx. 4. 18.] The construction in the original is peculiar, and can hardly be represented in a faithful English version. The nominative case to the verb found has to be supplied, somehow thus: amidst which they found me purified in the temple, none who detected me in the act of raising a tumult.... but certain Asiatic Jews. . . . This would leave it to be inferred that no legal officers had apprehended him, but certain private individuals, illegally; who besides had not come forward to substantiate any charge against him. 19.] This also is a skilful argument on the part of the Apostle :-it being the custom of the Romans not to judge a prisoner without the accusers face to face, t ch. xxiii. 6: xxviii. 20. t 20 Or thee, and object, if they had ought against me. else let these same here say, iif they have found any evil doing in me, while I stood before the council, 21 except it be for this one voice, that I cried standing among them, Touching the resurrection of the dead I am called in question by you this day. 22 And when Felix heard these things, having more perfect knowledge of that way, he deferred them, and said, When Lysias the chief captain shall come down, I will know the uttermost of your matter. 23 And he commanded a centurion to keep Paul, x ch. xxvii. 3. and to let him have liberty, and that he should forbid none of his acquaintance to minister [or come] unto him. 24 And after certain days, when Felix came with his wife Drusilla, which was a Jewess, he sent for Paul, and heard him concerning the faith in Christ. 25 And as he reasoned xxviii. 16. of righteousness, temperance, and he deposes that his real accusers were the was expected, or summoned, or ever came to be heard, is very doubtful. The real motive of the deferring appears in ver. 26. The comparative "more perfect" implies, 66 'more accurate than to need additional information." he deferred them] them, viz. both parties: not, 'these things.” 23. liberty] Not literally and absolutely, for he was in military custody, but it was relaxed as much as was consistent with safe custody. Remission, or relaxation, would perhaps be a better rendering than 'liberty.' 24. when Felix came] Into the hall or chamber where Paul was to speak. Drusilla] She was daughter of Herod Agrippa I. (see ch. xii.) and of Cypros,-and sister of Agrippa II. She was betrothed at six years old to Epiphanes son of Antiochus, king of Commagéné; but he declining the marriage, not wishing to be circumcised and become a Jew, she was married to the more obsequious Azizus, king of Emesa. Not long after, Felix, being enamoured of her beauty, persuaded her, by means of a certain Simon, a Cyprian magician (see note on ch. viii. 9), to leave her husband and live with him. She bore him a son, Agrippa: and both mother and son perished in an eruption of Vesuvius, in the reign of Titus.-The Drusilla mentioned by Tacitus, a granddaughter of Antony and Cleopatra, must have been another wife of Felix, who was thrice |