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42 And the soldiers' counsel was to kill the prisoners, lest any of them should swim out, and escape. 43 But the centurion, willing to save Paul, kept them from their purpose; and commanded that they which could swim should cast themselves first into the sea, and get to land: 44 and the rest, some on boards, and some on broken pieces of the ship. And so it came to pass, that they escaped all over. 22. safe to land.

1

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1 Cor. xiv. 11.

XXVIII. And when they were escaped, then they knew that a the island was called Melita. 2 And the a ch. xxvii. 26. b barbarous people shewed us no 4 little kindness: for they b Rom. 1. 14. kindled a fire, and received us every one, because of the present rain, and because of the cold. 3 And when Paul had gathered a bundle of sticks, and laid them on the fire,

• literally, on some of the things from the ship.

Col. iii. 11.

P render, as in ver. 4, Rom. i. 14, 1 Cor. xiv. 11, Col. iii. 11, barbarians. a render, common.

44. some of the things from the ship] probably, as A. V., broken pieces of the ship: -some of the parts of the ship: the others mentioned being whole planks, perhaps of the decks. XXVIII. 1. Melita] The whole course of the narrative has gone to shew that this can be no other than MALTA. The idea that it is not MALTA, but Meleda, an island off the Illyrian coast in the Gulf of Venice, seems to be first found in Constantine Porphyrogenitus. It has been adopted by our own countrymen, Bryant and Dr. Falconer, and abroad by some commentators. It rests principally on three mistakes:-1. the meaning of the name Adria (see above on ch. xxvii. 27),— 2. the fancy that there are no poisonous serpents in Malta (ver. 3),-3. the notion that the Maltese would not have been called Barbarians.-The idea itself, when compared with the facts, is preposterous enough. Its supporters are obliged to place Fair Havens on the north side of Crete,-and to suppose the wind to have been the hot Sirocco (comp. ver. 2).-Further notices of this question, and of the state of Malta at the time, will be found in the notes on the following verses.

2. the barbarians] A term implying very much what our word natives does, when speaking of any littleknown or new place. They were not Greek colonists, therefore they were barbarians (Rom. i. 14). If it be necessary strictly to vindicate the term, see the two citations given in my Greek Test. where the Phonicians are called barbarians, and Malta

is said to be a colony of the Phoenicians. received us] not to their fire, but to hospitality. the present rain] which commonly follows on great tempests. the cold] This is decisive against the Sirocco, which is a hot and sultry wind, even so late as the month of November, and moreover seldom lasts more than three days. 3. when Paul had gathered a bundle of sticks] "We find the Apostle doing the office of a prisoner, serving the wants of others." Bengel. From the circumstance of the concealed viper, these sticks were probably heaps of neglected wood gathered in the forest. The difficulty here is, that there are now no venomous serpents in Malta. But as Mr. Smith observes, "no person who has studied the changes which the operations of man have produced on the animals of any country, will be surprised that a particular species of reptiles should have disappeared from Malta. My friend the Rev. Mr. Landsborough, in his interesting excursions in Arran, has repeatedly noticed the gradual disappearance of the viper from the island since it has become more frequented. Perhaps there is nowhere a surface of equal extent in so artificial a state as that of Malta is at the present day, -and nowhere has the aboriginal forest been more completely cleared. We need not therefore be surprised that, with the disappearance of the woods, the noxious reptiles which infested them should also have disappeared" (pp. 111, 112). St.

there came a viper out of the heat, and fastened on his hand. And when the barbarians saw the [venomous] beast hang on his hand, they said among themselves, No doubt this man is a murderer, whom, though he hath escaped the sea, yet vengeance suffereth not to live. e Mark xvi. 18 5 And he shook off the beast into the fire, and felt no harm. 6 Howbeit they looked when he swollen, or fallen down dead suddenly: but looked a great while, and saw no harm come to him, they

Luke x. 19.

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should have

after they had

d ch. xiv. 11. changed their minds, and said that he was a god. 7 In the same quarters were possessions of the chief man of the island, whose name was Publius: who received us, and lodged us three days courteously.

And it came to pass,

r not expressed in the original.
$ render, when they were long looking.

Paul had placed the faggot on the fire, and was settling or arranging it in its place, when the viper glided out of the heat and fixed on his hand. The verb in the original implies that the serpent glided out through the sticks. fastened on his hand] The narrative leaves no doubt that the bite did veritably take place.

4.] The natives, who were sure to know, here positively declared it to have been a venomous serpent. I make these remarks to guard against the disingenuous shifts of rationalists and semirationalists, who will have us believe either that the viper did not bite, or that if it did, it was not venomous. No doubt this man is a murderer] "They saw his fetters." Bengel. The idea of his being a murderer is not to be accounted for by the member which was bitten (for this would fit any crime which the hand could commit), nor by supposing the bite of a serpent to have been the Maltese punishment for murder; it is accounted for by the obviousness of the crime as belonging to the most notorious delinquents, and the aptness of the assumed punishment,-death for death.

Vengeance] or Nemesis. What the Phoenician islanders called her, does not appear; but the idea is common to all religions. 5.] "Luke does not so much as hint, that any divine intervention took place." De Wette.-True enough: but why? Because St. Luke believed that the very dullest of his readers would understand it without any such hint. According to these rationalists, a fortunate concurrence of accidents must have happened to the

Apostles, totally unprecedented in history or probability. Besides, did not the natives themselves in this case testify to the fact? None were so well qualified to judge of the virulence of the serpent,-none so capable of knowing that the hanging on Paul's hand implied the communication of the venom :-yet they change him from a murderer into a god, on seeing what took place. Need we further evidence, that the divine power which they mistakenly attributed to Paul himself, was really exerted on his be half, by Him who had said " they shall take up serpents?" See below on ver. 8. The fact that St. Luke understood what the natives said, is adduced by Dr. Wordsworth as another proof (see his and my note on ch. xiv. 11) that the Apostles and Evangelists commonly understood unknown tongues. But such an inference here has absolutely nothing to rest on. Are we to suppose that these "barbarians" had no means of intercourse with Greek sailors?

6. Both these, the inflammation of the body, and the falling down dead suddenly, are recorded as results of the bite of the African serpents. 7.] The chief, or first man of the Melitæans, was probably an official title: the more so, as Publius can hardly have borne the appellation from his estates, during his father's lifetime. Two inscriptions have been found in Malta, at Citta Vecchia, which seem to establish this view. If so (and his Roman name further confirms it), Publius was legate of the Prætor of Sicily, to whose province Malta belonged. us] Hardly perhaps more than Paul and his companions,

e

prayed, and

15.

that the father of Publius lay sick of a fever and of a bloody flux: to whom Paul entered in, and f laid his hands on him, and healed him. 9 So when this was done, others also, which had diseases in the island, came, and were healed: 10 who also honoured us with many honours; and when we departed, they laded us with such things as were necessary. 11 And after three months we departed in a ship of Alexandria, which had wintered in the isle, whose sign was Castor and Pollux. 12 And landing at Syracuse, we tarried there three days. 13 And from thence we y fetched a compass, and came to Rhegium and after one day the south wind blew, and we came the next day to Puteoli: 14 where we found

:

t literally, fevers: see note. in the Greek, the Dioscuri. Z render, sprung up.

and, it may be, Julius. At ver. 10, a special reason had occurred for his honouring Paul and his company: at present, Publius's hospitality must have been prompted by the courtesy of Julius, who could hardly fail himself to be included in it. The three days were probably till they could find a suitable lodging. 8. fevers]

Hippocrates also uses the plural. It probably indicates the recurrence of fever fits.

a bloody flux] dysentery. Dr. Falconer makes this an argument against Malta being meant. "Such a place, dry and rocky, and remarkably healthy, was not likely to produce a disease which is almost peculiar to moist situations." But Mr. Smith answers, that the changed cir cumstances of the island might produce this change also: and besides, that he is informed by a physician of Valetta, that the disease is by no means uncommon in Malta. laid his hands on him] It is remarkable, that so soon after the taking up of serpents,' we should read of Paul having laid his hands on the sick and they recovered.' See the two in close connexion, Mark xvi. 18. 10. with many honours] The ordinary interpretation of this as rewards, gifts, may be right, but is not necessary. The other meaning, that these were really honours, is rendered probable by the form of the sentence, which opposes to these "honours," bestowed on them during their whole stay, such things as were necessary, with which they were loaded at their departure. Render it therefore honoured us with

u render, the rest.

James v. 14, fMark vi. 5:

vii. 32: xvi.
18. Luke iv.

40. ch. xix.
xii. 9, 28.

11, 12. 1 Cor.

g Matt. xv. 6. 1 Tim. v. 17.

y i. e. made a circuit. a render, second.

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many honours (or distinctions,' or 'attentions'). 11.] They probably set sail (see on ch. xxvii. 9) not earlier than the sixth of the ides of March (i. e. March 10). whose sign was [literally, with the sign (of)] the Dioscuri] The ancient ships carried at their prow a painted or carved representation of the sign which furnished their name, and at the stern a similar one of their tutelar deity. Sometimes these were one and the same, as appears to have been the case with this ship. Castor and Pollux (the Dioscuri,-sons of Zeus), sons of Jupiter and Leda, were considered the tutelar deities of sailors. 12.] Syracuse is

about eighty miles, a day's sail, from Malta. 13.] This fetching a compass apparently denotes the roundabout course of a vessel tacking with an adverse wind. That the wind was not favourable, follows from what is said below. Mr. Lewin's account is, "As the wind was westerly, and they were under shelter of the high mountainous range of Etna on their left, they were obliged to stand out to sea in order to fill their sails, and so came to Rhegium by a circuitous sweep." And he cites a case of a passage from Syracuse to Rhegium, in which a similar circuit was taken for a similar reason, p. 736. The day at Rhegium, as perhaps the three at Syracuse before, was spent probably in waiting for the wind. the south wind having sprung up,-succeeded the one which blew before. the second day] viz. after leaving Rhegium: a dis

brethren, and were desired to tarry with them seven days: and so we went toward Rome. 15 And from thence, when the brethren heard of us, they came to meet us as far as Appii forum, and The three taverns: whom when Paul saw, he thanked God, and took courage. 16 And when we came to Rome, [ the centurion delivered the prisoners to the 1 ch. xxiv. 25: captain of the guard: but] Paul was suffered to dwell by himself with d a soldier that kept him. 17 And it came to pass, that after three days Paul called the chief of the Jews together; and when they were come together, he ich. xxiv. 12, said unto them, [ Men and] brethren, though I have committed nothing against the people, or customs of our

xxvii. 3.

13: ххѵ. 8.

h

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tance of about 180 nautical miles.
Puteoli] (anciently Dicæarchia, now Puz-
zuoli) was the most sheltered part of the
bay of Naples. It was the principal port
of Southern Italy, and, in particular,
formed the great emporium for the Alex-
andrian wheat ships.
14.] These
Christians were perhaps Alexandrines,
as the commerce was so considerable
between the two places. so] i. e.
after this stay with them: implying that
the request was complied with.-The
brethren at Rome had heard probably
by special message sent by some of their
fellow-voyagers. [See a detailed account
of the stages of the journey not here
mentioned, in Conybeare and Howson, ii.
pp. 438 ff.]

15. Appii forum, and

The three taverns] Luke writes as one of the travellers to Rome, who would come on Appii Forum (forty-three miles from Rome) first. It was on the Via Appia, which leaving Rome by the Porta Capena, passed through the Pontine marshes, as far as Capua. Being not far from the coast (Strabo, v. 233), it was the resort of sailors, as Horace describes it. It has been suggested to me, that these may have been sailors belonging to the canal boats, as Appii Forum is too far inland to have been resorted to by sailors from the coast. He further says that it was an unpleasant halting-place for travellers, having, besides, very bad water.-The Three taverns was a way-side inn, ten miles nearer Rome. Cicero mentions both in the letters to Atticus. The brethren were in two par

e read, he.

16.

ties: some had come the longer, others the
shorter distance, to meet the Apostle.-
I have given several instances in my Greek
Test. of the practice of going forth to meet
approaching travellers of eminence.
took courage] Both encouragement as to
his own arrival, as a prisoner, in the vast
metropolis,-in seeing such affection, to
which he was of all men most sensible;
and encouragement as to his great work so
long contemplated, and now about to com-
mence in Rome,-in seeing so promising a
beginning for him to build on.
The omission of the disputed words here
is too strongly attested to allow us to
retain them in the text. As regards the
fact indicated in them, the captain of the
guard (prefect of the prætorian guard)
was the person officially put in charge
with the prisoners sent from the pro-
vinces. The prætorian camp was outside
the Viminal gate, where it had been fixed
and fortified by Sejanus. It was incorpo-
rated in Aurelian's walls, and now forms
a square projection from their line.
Paul was suffered] This permission pro-
bably resulted from the letters of Festus,
expressing that no crime was laid to the
charge of Paul: perhaps also partly from
the favour of Julius, and his report of the
character and bearing of Paul on the jour-
ney. the soldier] a Prætorian, to
whom he was chained; see below, ver.
20; and note on ch. xxiv. 23.
The banishment of Jews from Rome (ch.
xviii. 2) had either tacitly or openly been
abrogated some time before this. Priscilla

17.

1

xxiv. 10: XXV.

fathers, yet was I delivered prisoner from Jerusalem into k ch. xxi. 33. the hands of the Romans. 18 Who, when they had 1 ch. xxii. 24: examined me, would have let me go, because there was no 8: xxvi. 31. 'cause of death in me. 19 But when the Jews spake against

m

it, I was constrained to appeal unto Cæsar; not that I m ch. xxv. 11. had ought to accuse my nation of. 20 For this cause therefore have I called for you, to see you, and to speak

o ch. xxvi. 29. Eph. iii. 1:

with you: because that for the hope of Israel I am a ch. xxvi. 6,7 bound with this chain. 21 And they said unto him, We neither received letters out of Judæa concerning thee, v. 1: vi. 20. neither of the brethren that came shewed or spake any harm of thee. 22 But we desire to hear of thee what thou thinkest for as concerning this sect, we know that

any

:

g literally, heresy: see ch. xxiv. 5, 14; xxvi. 5.

and Aquila had returned when the Epistle to the Romans was written, Rom. xvi. 3. St. Paul was naturally anxious to set himself right with the Jews at Rome-to explain the cause of his being sent there, in case no message had been received by them concerning him from Judæa,-and to do away if possible with the unfavourable prejudice which such letters, if received, would have created respecting his character.-The fact of his sending for them, and their coming to him, seems to shew that he was not imprisoned in the Prætorian camp, but was already in a private lodging. 18. would have (wished to) let me go] This may have been at ch. xxv. 8. The possibility of such a release is asserted by Agrippa, ch. xxvi. 32. 19.] My appeal was a defensive and necessary step -not an offensive one, to complain of my nation.' 20. For this cause] For the reason just stated: because I have no hostile feeling to my nation. Then what follows adds another motive; for not only so, but I may well wish to see and speak with you, being a prisoner for the hope of Israel (see ch. xxvi. 6, and notes). 21.] It

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may seem strange that they had received no tidings concerning him. But, as Meyer well remarks, (1) before his appeal, the Jews in Judæa had no definite reason to communicate with the Jews in Rome respecting him, having no expectation that Paul, then a prisoner in Judæa, and the object of their conspiracies there, would ever go to Rome, or come into connexion with their brethren there. And (2) since his appeal, it would have been hardly possible for them to have sent messengers who VOL. I.

2 Tim. i. 16: ii. 9. Philem. 10, 13.

should have arrived before him. For his voyage followed soon after his appeal (ch. xxv. 13; xxvii. 1), and was so late in the year, that for the former reason it is as unlikely that any deputation from them should have left before him, as for the latter, after him. Had any left within a few days, the same storm would have in all probability detained them over the winter, and they could not certainly have made a much quicker voyage than Paul's ship to Puteoli. Still, as casual, non-official tidings might have reached them, Paul shewed this anxiety. It appears, however, that none had come. Olshausen's view, that the banishment of the Jews from Rome under Claudius had interrupted the relations between the Roman and Judæan Jews, is hardly probable: see on ver. 17. this heresy] To which they perhaps inferred that Paul belonged, from ver. 20: or they might have heard thus much generally respecting him by rumour, though they had received no special message.Their short notice of Christianity is perhaps the result of caution, seeing as they did the favour shewn by the authorities towards Paul: or perhaps of dissimulation.

22.

Many Commentators have noticed the omission of all mention of the Christian church at Rome, and of Paul's connexion with or work among them. And some recently in Germany have called in question the credibility of the Acts on this account. But without any reason: for the work of the Apostle among churches already founded is not the subject of our history, and is seldom related by Luke, without a special reason. Of the three years at Ephesus (ch. xx. 31),

31

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