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"will not admit of their proceeding farther." He is lord | to an acquaintance with the course of parliamentary proceedlieutenant of his county. Let then the chairman of the Committee which has detected these scandalous transactions move, as was done in the case of the Bishop of Worcester, in the reign of Queen Anne, that his Majesty be addressed to dismiss Lord Warwick from the place which he holds under the crown. We do not think that his Lordship's dismissal should be the unprompted act of the government, or even that the motion for the House to address the crown should come from the ministers. The House ought to take upon itself the duty of asserting its own privileges, and of seeking redress for the violation of its repeatedly-affirmed resolution. If it so act, there cannot be à doubt as to the result. Unless his Majesty's ministers mean distinctly to say, that in this old controversy between the two Houses, the Lords have all along been in the right and the Commons in the wrong, they will dismiss the Earl of Warwick from his lord lieutenancy as a matter of course. And in the present day, we believe there is but little chance that the peers will, either by a remonstrance or in any other way, attempt to dispute or avert such an exercise of the royal prerogative.*

ings, can form any correct idea of the number and bulk of
the volumes in which the Sessional Papers of the House of
Commons are comprised. None but those who have been
compelled to consult their contents can conceive how unsa-
tisfactory, in regard both to their substance and arrange-
ment, are the documents thus brought together.
hardly possible to extract from them a series of statements
upon any one point which affords means for making compa-
risons between similar matters occurring in different years,
although it must be evident that by means of such compa-
risons alone can a true judgment be formed, in many cases,
as to the effect of particular measures. Even where the
inexperienced inquirer might imagine that he had discovered
the materials for making such comparisons, a nearer inspec-
tion of the accounts given in the Sessional volumes may
show him to be mistaken. If, for example, information be
sought upon some branch of trade, respecting which returns
have been constantly required by Parliament, it will often
be found, that these returns have been called for in order to
suit particular and partial objects, and that they are made to
comprise only parts of the subject, while some of the details
necessary to its proper elucidation are either accidentally or
purposely omitted. It will frequently be found, too, that
these omissions vary both in their nature and amount in
different years, so that the statements are robbed of all their
usefulness, if indeed they be not rendered positively mis-
now before us appears to be free from this fault, the whole
of the statements being prepared upon one uniform system,
and so arranged as to convey to the eye at one glance all
the information required for the understanding of each
particular subject, so that the comparison between one year
and another presents itself immediately, and without the
inconvenience of referring from one part of the work to

OFFICIAL TABLES OF REVENUE, &c. SINCE the date of our last publication, a volume calculated to throw much light upon the condition of the coun-chievous, by misleading the inquirer. The volume of tables try, and to assist materially in the business of legislation, has been laid by command of his Majesty upon the tables of both Houses of Parliament. This volume-the contents of which are derived from official sources-is entitled, Tables of the Revenue, Population, Commerce, &c. of the United Kingdom and its Dependencies, and the compilation is made to embrace the period of twelve years, from

1820 to 1831 inclusive.

We learn from the notice prefixed to these tables that it is intended to follow up this presentation by the immediate preparation of another volume, to contain those occurrences in detail for the year 1832 which are here given in a more condensed form for the twelve preceding years; and that a similar volume will in future be printed annually, with the view of simplifying the labours of Parliament, by supplying, at the earliest possible moment after its meeting, connected statements with regard to all those points of a statistical nature which have usually claimed its attention.

The collecting of statistical information can never be so satisfactorily undertaken by individuals or private societies as by governments, which alone can impart that assurance of authenticity in which the principal value of such state ments must consist. However much this fact may have been disregarded up to the present time by our own government, it is one which has been generally recognized and acted upon elsewhere, so that there scarcely can be mentioned even a second-rate power on the continent of Europe which has not a statistical office attached to some branch of its executive government.

another.

The contents of this volume are necessarily of a miscellaneous nature, comprehending abstracts of the Public Revenue and Expenditure-of the National Debt and the Annual Charge which it occasions-of the Amount of Bank Notes in circulation at different periods of the Number of Savings' Banks and the Depositors, stated in classes accord ing to the amount of their deposits and of the Net Produce of the Public Revenue in each of its different branches of Customs, Excise, Stamps, &c. Under this head we have some very curious details of the progress of the Assessed Taxes, specifying the number of persons and articles charged under each head of duty in every year; thus contributing towards the means of ascertaining the progress of the country in wealth, by marking the continually increasing use of conveniences and luxuries. Further means to this end are afforded by statements of the quantities of exciseable commodities, and of foreign and colonial productions, which have in each year been retained for consumption in the United Kingdom. The progressive condition of our foreign commerce may also be ascertained by the quantities here registered of every kind of goods imported and exported, It has constantly afforded matter for surprise, how the while the continually augmenting quantities of the raw mabusiness of legislation can have been carried on in this king- terials of manufacture imported and of finished goods dom with a due regard to its various and complicated exported, show the astonishing degree in which that most interests, seeing what a total absence there has been of important branch of national industry is increasing. In all system and arrangement for preserving a record of 1820, the total quantity of cotton entered for consumption was facts and circumstances which should form the groundwork 152,829,633 lbs.; in 1831, through the extension of the maof that business. It may be said, that until a recent pe-nufacture, this quantity was augmented to 273,249,653 lbs. riod, a great part of the important work of legislation was being an increase of 78 per cent. The quantity of foreign intrusted to men whose lengthened experience stood them sheep's wool imported, which in 1820 was short of ten milin some degree in the place of such a system of arrangement. lions of pounds, amounted in 1831 to more than three times Now, however, that election has taken the place of nomina- that quantity. The number of yards of plain and printed tion to seats in the popular branch of our legislature, some-cotton goods exported in 1820 was 127,141,603, which quanthing beyond mere technical experience is looked for as a tity was augmented to 421,385,303 yards in 1831, being an qualification in our representatives, and the necessity is ren- increase of 231 per cent. The export of woollen goods in dered undeniable of possessing a compilation which will 1820, amounted to 1,293,372 pieces, besides 4,791,354 yards, present in a lucid and compendious form, the leading facts the quantities exported in 1831 were 1,997,348 pieces, and which bear upon the commerce and the fiscal system of the 5,797,546 yards. government.

Few, except those persons whose avocations have led them * Since the above article was in type, and as we are about to put to press, we observe that Lord Althorp has intimated in the House of Commons that a letter has been, or will immediately be, addressed to the Earl of Warwick, who is abroad, stating what had been reported against him, and calling on him for an explanation, in order that the Government might ascertain whether it was necessary or desirable to take any further steps in the matter.

Our limits will not allow us to enter into further details on this head, and we should content ourselves with stating, in general terms, that the volume before us abounds with proofs the most gratifying of the successful exertion of British skill and industry, did we not here perceive the means of correcting some important errors which appear to have taken hold upon the public mind. In regard to the shipping interest of the country, which year after year has been represented as in a declining state, we see in the table

(pp. 50 and 51), that the number of ships built and registered in 1820 was 885, of the aggregate burthen of 84,582 tons, while the number built and registered in 1830 (the returns for 1831 were not completed when this statement was prepared) was 1117 ships, of the aggregate burthen of 110,130 tons. The number of vessels which entered inwards from foreign parts, in all the ports of the kingdom, was 14,757, of 2,115,671 tons burthen, in 1820; while the number of arrivals in 1831 was 20,573 ships, of the burthen of 3,241,927 tons, showing an increase of more than 50 per cent. in the foreign trade of the country. This increase must not be wholly attributed to the peculiar advantages possessed in this respect by England in the extent of her colonial possessions and dependencies, for we see (page 52) that of the ships of all nations which passed the Sound in 1831, if the estimate is made according to the aggregate burthen of the vessels, those under the British flag amounted to 450-1000ths, or within a very minute fraction of one half.

These tables contain further very complete abstracts of the number of criminal offenders, and the nature of their crimes, for a series of years in each part of the United Kingdom, opening an interesting field for examination, into which it is not possible for us to enter at present, but which we may hereafter use to illustrate the opinions we have expressed in our previous Numbers on the subject of the moral condition of the people.

Among the particulars given under the head of population, is a statement, showing, in conjunction with the numerical and per centage increase found at each enumeration in 1801, 1811, 1821, and 1831, the amount raised by taxation, and the sums expended for the relief of the poor at each of those periods. Upon these data calculations have been made showing the average proportional sums paid on those accounts by each individual in the kingdom, taking into the estimate the price of gold at the time of each enumeration; the result may be seen in the following abstract: Average Proportion Average Proportion

Year.

of Taxes.

of Poor Rates.

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Total.
2 6 4
3 7 9
333
280

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That these exports must have materially increased since 1825, is proved by the fact, that in 1831, Liverpool alone imported from Ireland 91,911 head of cattle; 160,487 sheep and lambs; and 156,001 pigs.

Britain, stated in quarters, which in 1815, amounted to The importations of grain and meal from Ireland into Great 821,192 qrs.; have since been augmented three-fold, and in 1831 amounted to 2,419,643 qrs. It has been absurdly imagined by some writers that these continued exportations have acted as so many drains to the life-blood of Ireland, and are to be taken as proofs of the wretchedness, rather this fallacy are also furnished in these tables. In page than the prosperity of the people. The means of refuting 177, we find a statement of the annual average quantities of certain articles retained for home consumption in Ireland, and are enabled to contrast the average consumption of 1790 with that of 1831, in some of the more important articles of convenience and luxury.

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Our space will not allow us to enter further into detail on this occasion. The object we have had in abstracting the few particulars we have given, is to point out the various ways, in which publications of this nature may be made to exercise a beneficial influence upon public opinion, by exhibiting the truth in a form which approves itself at once to the mind of every one.

Showing that, although the burthen upon each individual on Valuable as these tables are in themselves, and we think these accounts is now 34 per cent. greater than in 1801, it is 312 enough has been said to prove in how high a degree they per cent. less than in 1821, and 41 per cent. less than in 1811. are so, they are chiefly to be prized as being the first step Writers upon statistical subjects have often found them-made by government towards the establishment of a system selves at a loss for some extensive and authentic record of prices, which, taken in conjunction with the rate of wages, would be of great assistance in showing the extent to which the bulk of the community are enabled to command the necessaries and conveniences of life. This branch of statistics is not forgotten in the compilation before us, which presents a few authentic tables of prices, extending over a considerable period of time. We trust that this subject will be continually kept in view, and that the future volumes compiled by Government, will contribute more largely to the stock of our knowledge upon this important point.

for presenting statistical facts in an authentic form to the public. Many branches of the subject are left untouched by them, which we hope will find a place in the volumes of future years. We are greatly at a loss for accurate information upon almost every point connected with the internal or domestic employment and condition of the people, and are at all times completely ignorant concerning the productiveness of our harvests. We are aware of the great difficulties which stand in the way of collecting any precise information upon these points; the intentions of government in obtaining it, are very liable to misconstruction, and we It is probably owing to the great interest at present excan imagine that the ill-understood interests of individuals cited in the public mind, concerning our relations with Ire- may sometimes lead them to wish rather to deceive than to land and with India, that so many pages of the volume are inform upon matters connected with their personal concerns. devoted to the registration of facts bearing upon the inter- This will render great caution necessary in regard to the course with those countries. The tables constructed for this quarters whence information is accepted, but should by no purpose may be examined with advantage, and will serve to establish a conviction that the commercial enterprize which towards the truth. Partial knowledge will at least be premeans deter from the endeavour to attain an approximation has been directed to those quarters has been productive, at ferable to our present state of ignorance, and may exercise least in the usual degree, of its accustomed advantages. It a beneficial influence upon government, leading to a juster is is to be regretted that since the year 1825, when the in-appreciation than is at present entertained of the complitercourse between Great Britain and Ireland was put upon cated interests of the Empire. the footing of a coasting trade, no means have been afforded for registering the nature and amount of the intercourse between the two islands, except as relates to the importation of grain and meal from Ireland. This was a great oversight which we shall be glad to see remedied.

In the year 1801, the first year of the legislative union between Great Britain and Ireland, the number of ships that entered the ports of Ireland from Great Britain was 6816, and their aggregate burthen was 582,033 tons. In 1831 the trade had so increased that the number of ships amounted to 13,584, and their burthen to 1,262,221 tons, being an increase since the union of 116 per cent.

The number and quantities of agricultural stock and provisions exported from Ireland to Great Britain, have increased within the same period, as under:

PORTUGAL-DON PEDRO AND DON MIGUEL."
The rival claims, and the unnatural contest of these princes
of the House of Braganza, which have plunged, and still
retain Portugal in infinite wretchedness, have been now for
many months a theme of declamation all over Europe. We
say declamation, because, generally speaking, that par-
ticular part of oratory,
discourse addressed to the pas-
sions," has characterised the discussion of this subject much
more than cool argument or impartial exposition. To say
nothing of other parts of the world, in this country the Portu-
guese question, involving the well being of an ancient and
interesting people, has been made a downright party matter,
and converted into a champs clos, where men of opposite

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politics might tilt about the gold and silver sides of the shield, like the knights in the apologue.

Meanwhile, beset by insolent subjects, who totally misunderstood the spirit of constitutional government, which, like every other science, is not to be learned in a day, the repose of John VI. was further disturbed by a letter from his elder son, Don Pedro, whom he had left in Brazil as regent of those countries.

On the one side Don Pedro has been held up as a model to princes, and the right of his Daughter Donna Maria to the throne of Portugal has been insisted upon with vehemence, though this particular party is not generally disposed to give much weight to legitimacy, or regular succession, or This letter, dated 4th October, 1821, informed the king the divine right of princes. On the other side, where such that the Brazilians were anxious to detach themselves sort of arguments are more in their place, it is main- entirely from Portugal, and to proclaim him (Don Pedro) tained with equal warmth, that the right to the throne is their emperor. But it contained besides protestations, legitimately vested in Don Miguel-that he is king de jure whose very extravagance induces a doubt of their sincerity, as well as de facto, and-in spite of the representations of the that he, as a faithful subject and son, would never consent opposite party (which of course are exaggerated), the strong to their mad scheme, but oppose it, till he and all the Portususpicions of more than one secret assassination, and the guese with him, were cut to pieces. Another paragraph evidence of his public executions and proscriptions-a prince of this curious letter-supposing the writer of it to be of kind and gentle manners, and of great magnanimity and sincere-would render his judgment and taste contemptible; singleness of heart! Before proceeding to unravel the for he says that he writes with his own blood the following matter, we will merely express a wish here, that the advo-words ::- "I swear to be ever faithful to your Majesty, to cates for absolutism may always be equally unfortunate in the Portuguese nation and Constitution." the choice of the idol they would incense-for whatever be. Miguel's rights as a prince, as a man the stamp of moral deformity is strongly impressed upon him.

The popular mind has been wildly agitated by the views presented by the one or the other of these two parties, and his Majesty's government has been alternately attacked by those who would even plunge them into a war for the chastisement of the usurper Miguel, and by those who accuse them of wanton breaches of neutrality and undue partiality for Pedro. In the heat and anger of prolonged discussion, the public has lost sight of the original points of the matter in dispute, and our present object is to state these in a clear, concise manner, without leaning to Miguelite or Pedroite, and abstaining from declamatory exaggeration. King John VI., when driven from Portugal by the arms of Napoleon, retired with the whole of his family to his extensive colonies in the Brazils. This family then consisted of his queen, a violent and bigoted woman, sister to his present Majesty of Spain, of two sons, Pedro and Miguel, and two or three daughters. John VI. was a true king of the old continental school-of that school, whose radical defects alone can account for the facility with which Buonaparte disposed of the sovereigns that had been nurtured in it; he was indolent, short-sighted, and though timid, had a high notion of the royal prerogative. In other times, he, like several of his contemporaries, might have peaceably slumbered through a long reign, and have left his country neither much better nor much worse for his government; but he was not fitted to steer through the unprecedented difficulties of the nineteenth century, or to adopt and guide those new doctrines in politics which have penetrated into all parts of the world.

When the Portuguese, aided by the British, had boldly expelled the French invaders, and when Napoleon, the dethroner of many kings, was himself dethroned, and peace restored to Europe, John VI. remained in America, and there, probably, he would have ended his days, had not the spirit of revolution crossed the Atlantic, and the phantom of a constitution frightened him away. Yet, in his European states, he had to face the same object of his terror and dislike, and habited, be it said, in its least attractive garb.

Under an imbecile regency, which allowed the army to lose all its organization and discipline, imitating the conduct of the Spaniards, on the 23rd of August, 1820, a Portuguese colonel, and a few other military men at Oporto, revolted, declaring that the nation must have a constitution, and within three weeks, a lieutenant, with a handful of men, marched into Lisbon, and without any show of opposition, proclaimed a constitution in that Capital.

We must not let our reverence for a word blind us to the nature of a thing. This constitution, thus suddenly imposed, was anything rather than suitable to the Portuguese nation, and the conduct of the Cortes was characterized by folly, illiberality, and, weakness, which soon alienated all parties. These men, to whom all the miseries that have ensued are mainly attributable, bullied the priesthood while they dreaded its power, and treated with indecent, and most impolitic, disrespect the old king, who, whatever might have been his degree of sincerity, testified respect, and even zeal for the constitution they had established. In short, they rendered the words Cortes and Constitution odious to the Portuguese people; and time, and the measures of wiser men, will be still required to remove this deeply-rooted popular antipathy.

66

Seven months after this declaration, however, Don Pedro, when Brazil was de facto dissevered from Portugal, and to all intents and purposes an independent state, accepted in behalf of himself and children, the office of "Constitutional Emperor of Brazil." This was in May, 1822. The following year, when France chose to interfere with the internal government of Spain, and overthrow the Spanish constitution by force of arms, the constitution of Portugal, its sickly progeny fell to the ground, with no more efforts on the part of the nation for its support, than had been made against its establishment; and the only praise that can possibly be given to it is, that it rose and fell without bloodshed. It appears, however, from two royal decrees, published at the time, that John VI. contemplated giving some sort of representative government to Portugal, and it would have been a work of no great difficulty to have devised a better system than the one that had been adopted by the despised Cortes. To oppose this, the queen and Don Miguel, with the Marquisses Chaves and Abrantes, and the whole of the apostolic or Spanish faction, who had hastened the crisis of the late Cortes, employed all their energies. The queen, whom the members of that Cortes had declared mad by a majority of votes, and had placed in confinement, entertained abhorence for every thing that approached a representative government, and this feeling was common to Don Miguel, and a numerous and powerful portion of the Portuguese nation. A crime of the blackest die rests on this party, and is supposed to have been their first step towards defeating the king's project of another constitution. That unlucky sovereign went to hunt at Salva-terra, and among other courtiers took with him the Marquis of Loulé, who was well known to be a powerful advocate of reform. Don Miguel, the Marquis of Abrantes, and two men of bad reputation, Cordeiro and Verissimo, since employed by Miguel in his police, were also of the party. Two days after their arrival at Salva-terra, the lifeless body of the Marquis of Loulé was found upon a heap of rubbish! The young prince and Miguel was then only in his twentysecond year-shewed a strange alacrity in asserting that the Marquis had fallen from a window, but on examining the body it was found that a dagger or some other instrument had been thrust through the mouth into the brain of the noble victim! The old king fled in dismay to Lisbon, and Don Miguel put himself at the head of the demoralized army-that army that had made and unmade a constitution-and that now declared itself for the prince, thẹ queen, and absolutism! The undutiful son had a war-ery which found an echo in the superstitious priest-ridden people. The revolutionary proceedings in Spain, Portugal, Naples, and Piedmont, had all been prepared by secret societies bearing different names and constitutions, but pretending for the most part to some sort of connection with free-masonry. Now these, all and severally, had just boen anathematized by the pope, and the members composing them subjected to one general sentence of excommunication. At the same time, throughout the south of Europe, monks and priests, acting as missionaries, were going from place to place preaching against this free-masonry, as a sin more damnable than atheism, which was represented as being only one of its component vices, and all revolutionists or constitutionalists were declared to be free-masons, carbonari, &c. &c. Only an eye-witness can form a correct opinion of the effect produced by these missions on the minds of a fanatic, passionate people. At one of these preachings

in the streets of Naples, an unfortunate man whom the malice or mad zeal of a monk denounced as having been a capo-carbonaro, was nearly torn to pieces by the infuriated populace. Now the Portuguese mob is every whit as fanatic, and as easily excited as the Neapolitan, and consequently when Miguel and his partizans shouted in their ears, "Death to the thunderbolts of masonic impiety," he found a ready echo, and spell-bound them to his party.

While asserting that all he did was to secure the absolute power of his virtuous and revered father, he took possession of the palace with the soldiery and the mob, and made that father a prisoner. He issued orders that all his father's servants, ministers, and personal friends should be arrested, and drew up a list of proscriptions of fearful length. From this affectionate son, the old king contrived to escape. Among his subjects he knew not whom to trust; he was by constitution and habit a timid man, and he fled to a British man-of-war, the "Windsor Castle," then at anchor in the Tagus. Here he not only enjoyed safety, but he contrived to entrap the author of all his recent misfortunes. How so astucious a person as Miguel allowed himself to be so duped, is not clearly explained; but he was entrapped on board the "Windsor Castle," and thence sent into exile. The place appointed for his residence was Vienna, whose atmosphere should not seem to be the best for inspiring a love of constitutional government. The facts which we have simply stated without comment—a murder, a revolt, a son in arms against his father, and his father's gaolera proscription, are styled by the Quarterly Review*, with an obtuseness to moral feeling, which astonishes us even in an ultra-party writer, "a series of family squabbles and political intrigues," of which it is implied Miguel was the

victim and not the author.

After the dismissal of his troublesome son, John VI. publicly removed his wife from court; granted a general amnesty, excluding, however, from its benefits the Marquis of Abrantes, Verissimo, and Cordeiro, the associates of Miguel, and the murderers of Loulé. He established moreover two liberal ministries, the first under Palmella and Pamplona, the second under Barrados and Lacerda; but these were odious to Spain, and not much to the taste of the Holy Alliance. They therefore soon fell to the ground, and the absolutists again flattered themselves with a prospect of ascendency. That distinguished diplomatist, Sir W. A Court (now Lord Heytesbury) can, of course, give satisfactory explanations of the line of conduct he pursued while ambassador, at this time, at Lisbon, and probably it was only his curious destiny, that he should be "in at the death of three constitutions in succession, viz., those of Naples, Spain, and Portugal. However this may be, no more talk was heard of charters and of cortes.

In March 1826, John VI. died, and now we are come to the points at issue between Don Miguel and his elder brother.

In the treaty of separation between Brazil and Portugal, which was finally completed by Sir Charles Stuart, the existence of Brazil as an independent empire was fully recognized and established. The empty title of "Emperor of Brazil" was to be borne by John VI. as long as he lived, but the office and full power of emperor were to rest with Don Pedro, his eldest son, to whom also was preserved the right of succession to the throne of Portugal.

We shall treat the brothers in the order of seniority, and first make out Don Pedro's case as he and his advocates represent it. According to this shewing, on the death of his father, Don Pedro, as elder son, did lawfully and actually succeed to the European dominions of the House of Braganza, and was recognized as King of Portugal and the Algarves, as well as Emperor of Brazil, by the members of his family, and the different states of Europe and America. Soon finding, however, that the disseverment of Brazil and Portugal was of such a nature as not to admit of the rule of one and the same sovereign, he resolved to make a choice of one of the two states for himself, and to transfer his hereditary right in the other to a child of his own. He chose Brazil, and made a formal renunciation of Portugal in favour of his eldest daughter Donna Maria, whose heirs were to succeed her in her independent rights to that throne. At this time the Emperor of Brazil had one son, younger than his daughter Donna Maria; and this prince, Don Sebastiano, was to inherit the rights of his father Don Pedro in the American empire. * No. xcviii, July, 1833.

Pedro's abdication of Portugal carried two conditions along with it; 1st. That a constitutional charter should be granted to the Portuguese nation; 2nd. That the young Queen of Portugal, Donna Maria, should espouse her uncle Don Miguel. Well known as all the conduct of that prince must have been to Don Pedro, it was a bold step in him, as a father, to entrust the happiness of a daughter to such keeping; but he was a brother as well as a father, and Miguel by this time figured as a sobered and repentant young man. Besides, it seemed the best mode of uniting parties and reconciling enmities which had so distracted the unhappy Portuguese kingdom. Don Miguel was at once to return from his exile at Vienna to Lisbon, and to have the title of Lord-Lieutenant in Portugal.

Pedro's constitution was promulgated in Portugal, and was joyfully accepted by a majority of the more enlightened portion of that nation; but (we still state his case on his own, or his friends' showing) the temperate provisions of the charter disappointed the ultra-masonic-liberal party, composed of the fanatics of a theoretical and impracticable freedom; and the very name of constitution was as hateful as ever to the other extreme party or the fanatics of catholicism and absolutism. Thus two violent extremes were hostile to the new system. It would not have been difficult to deal with the enthusiasts of one of these parties, who had no hold on the popular mind or the sympathies of the Portuguese people; but it was far different with the other party, which included the queen-mother, the church, and consequently the mob, and could count on the support of Spain and the complacence of most of the great continental powers. The priests and monks proceeded again in their anti-constitutional functions, and the absolutists confounded, with great art and treachery, the present charter of Don Pedro with that of the late Cortes, the object of popular detestation. They falsified many of the clauses of the new constitution, and industriously circulated their forgery as the provisions and words of Pedro.

All this time Don Miguel remained at Vienna, affecting a reluctance to embark on the troubled sea of politics, or to return as Lord-Lieutenant to his native country; and he persevered in a semblance of truly exemplary submission and affection. In April, 1826, about a month after his father's death, he wrote a letter to his sister, Donna Maria Isabella, then Regent of Portugal, in which he expressed his desires that Portugal would be tranquil, and his dear brother, the Emperor of Brazil, as lawful heir and successor to the thrones, see all his wishes accomplished. He was also fearful that some evil-disposed persons might make use of his name to excite troubles, to counteract which, he entreated his sister, the regent, to give publicity to this his letter. In May of the same year he wrote a similar dutiful and most affectionate epistle to his brother Don Pedro; and again, in the month of June, another letter to his sister in the same tone as his last to her; on the 4th of October, he solemnly and publicly swore to observe and maintain the constitution of Portugal as granted by Don Pedro; and finally, on the 29th of October, he contracted, in the presence of the whole Austrian court, a solemn affiance with Donna Maria II., Queen of Portugal!

Contemporary with these proceedings at Vienna, in Portu gal Miguel's friends, the Marquesses of Chaves and Abrantes, raised the standard of revolt, and established a regency at Tariva, to act in behalf of KING Miguel. This movement was encouraged by Spain, who permitted the Portuguese refugees of the Apostolic party to gather on her own frontiers, and thence attack their country. It is said, moreover, that Spain furnished arms and money, and that the troops that poured into Portugal for this horrid warfare were not all Portuguese. It was at this crisis that our ministry, then directed by the lamented Mr. Canning, sent over an English army which soon restored tranquillity to the unhappy kingdom, though it could not, and did not, eradicate the hatred of Don Pedro's charter in the two extreme violent parties already mentioned.

The death of Mr. Canning, in August 1827, seems to have had the immediate effect of reviving the confidence of the anti-constitutionalists. Don Miguel, convinced, it is said, by the representations of the Austrian minister, Prince Metternich, saw, all at once, the propriety of returning to Portugal, passing through England in his way. Accordingly, he set out from Vienna with the title of Regent," which had been substituted by Metternich, some time before, for that of "Lord-Lieutenant," On what law

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ful authority this was done, and why the English ambas-self and his children for ever. They again quote from the sador at the Austrian court acquiesced, as he did, in this same law, change, does not appear.

Before he left Vienna, however, Don Miguel wrote to the King of Spain, requesting that monarch to restrain the rebellious proceedings of the Marquess of Chaves-his bosom friend, who had proclaimed him king!

On his arrival in England, Miguel pledged himself to George IV. to execute in all points the dispositions of his brother Pedro regarding Portugal, to maintain the constitution, &c. &c. He induced the late Lord Dudley, then Secretary for Foreign Affairs, to hasten the final acts connected with the resignation of the Portgueuse throne by his brother, and to delay the withdrawing of the British forces from Lisbon. He contrived to raise the sum of 200,000l. in London, and then set sail for Lisbon, where he landed on the 22nd of February, 1828, with fresh protestations of loyalty and constitutionalism on his lips. Yet, within a very few days after his landing, Sir F. Lamb, our ambassador, saw such grounds for doubting the intentions of the prince, that he boldly withheld from him the sum of money that had been raised for him in England.

We hasten over the hurried events that followed-they have nothing to do with the question of right. Miguel was received with raptures by what was decidedly the strongest party in the Portuguese nation, and he recalled the Marquess of Chaves, and his adherents, who had found a friendly asylum in Spain. In the conclaves of the devotees his affairs were soon settled, and this under the very nose of the English army that had been sent by Mr. Canning for the support of constitutional freedom. In a very short time the press of Lisbon teemed with eulogiums of Miguel, who was likened to the archangel Michael; and his right to the throne of Portugal, to the exclusion of his niece and affianced bride, Donna Maria, was openly asserted. At the same time the pulpit, infinitely more influential than the press in Portugal, resounded with his praises, and with denunciations of the whole Masonic, i. e., the Constitutional party. So early as the 26th April, Miguel received addresses from sundry assemblies of absolutists, inviting him to assume the crown; and the prince, in a reply in which he used the royal style for the first time, called these "faithful addresses." He then convoked, by a royal circular, the ancient Cortes of the country, ordering the different electoral presidents to refuse the votes of all those suspected of being inimical to the true principles of legitimacy, or admirers of new institutions, and to permit the election of those only "who had in view the service of God and of the Throne.' Such a Cortes did all that was expected from it, and Don Miguel ascended the throne not merely as king, but as ABSOLUTE king, in less than two months after his landing

at Lisbon.

We now take up the cause of Don Miguel as represented by his advocates. According to their showing, Don Pedro had no right to the throne himself, and consequently no faculty of remitting it to his daughter Donna Maria. To prove this they quote the laws of the Cortes of Lamego-the fundamental act of the Portuguese monarchy-which expressly provide that none but a Portuguese can inherit the crown of Portugal. To shape their facts to meet this ancient law, they assert that Don Pedro, by accepting the separate sovereignty of Brazil, and by declaring and waging war against Portugal, as he has done in America, has lost his nationality, and ceased to be a Portuguese. Further, they appeal to a more modern, but not less fundamental law of Portugal. This last law was promulgated by the King and the three estates of the realm, at the establishment of the kingdom under the house of Braganza in 1640, when (which they do not state) the motives which induced the limiting of the succession arose from fears that the crown of Portugal might again revert to Spain, the country which is now most urgent in support of a law which was meant for the perpetual exclusion of its princes from the Portuguese throne. The instrument referred to confirms the resolutions of the Cortes of Lamego generally, and the question of succession is explicitly determined in these words-" The succession of this kingdom shall not, at any time, come to a foreign prince, nor to his children, notwithstanding they may be the next of kin to the last king in possession." These words, say Don Miguel's advocates, seem to have been devised on purpose to meet the exact case. They insist that Don Pedro, though next of kin to John VI., has made himself a foreign prince, and thereby excluded him

"And further, when it happens that the sovereign of these realms of Portugal shall succeed to any larger kingdom or lordship, he shall always be bound to reside in this; and having two or more male children, the eldest shall succeed to the foreign kingdom, and the second, to this one of Portugal."

And again, continuing to draw from the same source, they say, that the instrument provides that in case the king has but one son, then Portugal shall be separated, and go to that son's children on the conditions before-mentioned; and in case the king leaves only daughters, then the eldest daughter shall succeed to Portugal, on condition of marrying a native Portuguese selected by the Cortes. And if such daughter do not fulfil this condition, then the Cortes shall elect a native Portuguese for their king. Having summed up all these arguments, Don Miguel's supporters maintain, that both the letter and spirit of these fundamental laws are decidedly in favour of that princethat the dominions of Portugal having been, during the lifetime of John VI., split into two distinct and independent realms, Don Pedro, as elder son, and his descendants, inherited Brazil, or the foreign kingdom; and that Don Miguel, as younger son, was legitimate successor to the throne of Portugal.

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