a view to frame a reply to it, called the Address; but they | one who first catches the eye of the Speaker, is named are not bound to make it the first matter upon which they by him, and is usually permitted to address the House. deliberate; and both Houses are accustomed to have a bill But his being named by the Speaker gives him no right relating to some other matter previously brought in and read, of precedence, if the House should think that another by way of asserting their right. The address, which is had risen, or on some other account has a right to be usually an echo of the speech, is moved and seconded by two heard, before him. Any member may move that another members, selected by the ministers for that duty, and who member shall be now heard; and if that motion be carappear on this occasion either in full dress or in uniform.ried, the Speaker's selection goes for nothing. This, When the address has been voted, it is sent up to his ma- however, is an expedient which, for obvious reasons, has jesty by a deputation, who, on their return, report to the been very rarely resorted to. A member may speak from House the terms in which it has been received, called His the gallery as well as from the body of the House, and Majesty's Answer. Hatsell says often does; but of late years very few instances of this practice have occurred. He must not, however, it seems, speak standing in any of the passages or from behind the clock. It is sometimes said, that a member has a right to have any act of parliament or other public document he pleases to call for, while speaking, read by the clerk; but this is a mistake. The House may object to the proceeding if they choose; but if no objection be made, the Speaker orders the paper to be read. No member, we may here add, can vote on any motion affecting his own private interests, or can even be present while it is discussed. Although the public are now admitted to witness the deliberations both of the House of Lords and of the House of Commons-to the former by the order of a peer, to the latter either by a member's order, or by the payment of half-a-crown to the door-keeper, the debates of the one house, as well as of the other, are still supposed to be carried on with closed doors. The order directing the Sergeant-atArms to take into custody all strangers who may be seen within the House is still passed by the House of Commons at the commencement of every session, and may at any time be enforced by a member to the clearing of the gallery. Whenever a division takes place, all strangers are obliged to withdraw, and the doors of the House are locked. The newspapers lately noticed some remarks that were made in the House respecting one of the sessional orders, commanding the back-door of the Speaker's chamber to be shut every day at twelve o'clock; when the Speaker, in answer to the inquiry of an honourable member, who expressed himself anxious to know where the said door was, was reported to have stated that he believed it was no longer in existence. This order was first passed on the 5th of March, 1662, on information received by the House that several persons, not members, had come by the door in question into the Speaker's chamber, and thence made their way into the gallery; and it has since then been regularly repeated at the commencement of every session. If the back-door, however, be now really built up, as is understood, it would seem that its ancient and long-remembered offences might at last be safely permitted to rest in peace.

We shall now throw together a few notices (chiefly selected from Mr. Hatsell's great work on " Precedents") of what may be called the every-day forms of the House of Commons, many of which are matter of constant allusion in the reports of the debates. On the Speaker making his appearance a few minutes before the hour of meeting, as soon as prayers have been read by the chaplain, he proceeds to count the members present, until (including himself if necessary) he has reckoned to the number of forty. If that number be present, business proceeds; if not, the Speaker only takes the chair for a moment to adjourn the house till the following day. A House, as it is termed, having been once formed, business may be continued, though there should be fewer than forty members present; but any member may demand that the House be counted, and if there are not forty present the House is adjourned. The members, in general, have no particular seats. At the opening of a Parliament, however, the four members for the city of London are accustomed to place themselves at the head of the front bench, or that which stands on the floor, at the right hand of the Speaker. On other occasions, this bench is usually occupied by the ministers, and is called the Treasury Bench. It is, however, merely conceded to them by courtesy. Formerly, it used to be reserved for those members who were Privy Councillors; and it is related that Mr. Pulteney, when the leader of the opposition, during the administration of Sir Robert Walpole, always used to speak from this bench. Any other member, who wishes to secure to himself a particular seat, may do so, but only for that one evening, by going down in the morning, and fixing a paper with his name to the back of the bench. But even after having done this, he loses his seat if he should be absent at prayers, or leave the House to attend the Speaker to the Lords. He also loses it if he goes out to the lobby on a division; and Mr. Hatsell intimates that the numbers on divisions are known to be sometimes affected by the operation of this rule. Members who have held the great offices in the ministry, are often allowed to keep the same seat without coming down to take it; and a member having received the thanks of the House in his place, is considered to be entitled to the same seat, at least for that parliament.

While the Speaker occupies the chair, there is said to be a House; when a member is appointed to preside, the House is said to sit in Committee. These two states are further indicated by the gilded badge called the mace being in the former laid upon, and in the latter under, the table at which the clerks sit. The rules of proceeding are in some particulars different in Committee, from what they are when there is said to be a House. In the latter, a member can speak only once (except to explain) upon the same motion; in the former, he may speak as often as he pleases. The sitting in committee, indeed, seems anciently to have been considered as merely a conversational consultation-frequently, the members appear to have delivered their sentiments without rising. Again, in committee, the members divide by going, the ayes to the one side of the House, and the noes to the other. When not in committee, those on one side of the question remain in the House, those on the other go out to the lobby-the general rule being," that those that give their votes for the preservation of the orders of the house, should stay in; and those that give their votes otherwise, to the introducing of any new matter, or any alteration, should go out." (Journals of 10 Dec. 1640.) But the rule is embarrassed with many intricate exceptions, and a good deal of time has frequently been lost in determining which side ought to go out. With a view of avoiding this inconvenience, it was resolved by the House, a few days ago, that on any division, those who question the decision of Mr. Speaker do go forth.' When two or more members rise at once to speak, the

The exertion by a member of his privilege to clear the House of strangers has frequently given rise to a vehement debate; and some efforts have even been made to get the standing order in question repealed or modified, but hitherto without success. Those opposed to the exclusion have sometimes attempted to meet it by resorting to the expedient of moving repeated adjournments, and thus preventing business from proceeding, till the public have been re-admitted. Females, as everybody is aware, are not now admitted to the gallery; but it is not so generally known, that the practice by which they are excluded is comparatively a recent innovation. It appears to be not more than fifty or sixty years since ladies were accustomed to appear both in the gallery and in the space below the bar. Mr. Hatsell himself was present at the last occasion on which they were admitted. An interesting debate was expected; and both ladies and gentlemen were in attendance in great numbers. Many ladies, not having been able to obtain seats, it was ordered that the House should be cleared of the men strangers, which was done; when the ladies entered in such numbers as completely to fill both the galleries and the seats below the bar. In this state of things, a member, irritated by the expulsion of some gentlemen for whom he had procured places, demanded that the House should be cleared of all strangers. The enforcement of the standing order was a matter of course. But the officers found their duty of turning out the fair intruders no easy work; a violent and determined resistance was offered to them; and for nearly two hours the House was kept in a state of the most extraordinary ferment and commotion. Ever since this singular scene, females have been rigorously excluded from the House. The only relaxation of the prohibition is the practice, that has been

|

Austria, France, Great Britain, Prussia, and Russia, in undertaking the arbitration of the differences between Holland and Belgium, had to decide upon a just and permanent settlement, with the deep responsibility laid upon them of thus guarding and preserving the peace of Europe. Upon the first view of the case, it might appear that the Belgians were not likely to receive any great countenance from three, at least, of the arbitrators, who, for many reasons, would not be especially inclined to favour the authors of any revolutionary movements. If, therefore, in the enforcement of its decisions the Conference has found it absolutely necessary that the citadel of Antwerp should be taken out of the hands of Holland by an issue at arms, it may be fairly supposed that this measure of warfare was not resorted to, except under the conviction of an imperious necessity which even the especial friends of Holland could not deny. The labours of the Conference for two years would have been futile indeed, if the arbitrators had possessed no power to compel the observance of their decisions.

28 diplomatic agents, one; of 244 ministerial officers in civil departments, 65; of 85 generals, 16. The officers of the king's guard were all Dutch, and so were three-fourths of the artillery. The Belgians were taxed for Dutch objects, and the mode of taxation was particularly obnoxious. For instance, the mouture, or tax on meal, and the abattage, or tax on cattle slaughtered, were serious grievances, inasmuch as no man could grind his own corn, or kill his own pig, without the intervention of the revenue-officers. The king of the Netherlands took into his own hands the control of education, and deprived the heads of families of the sacred right of bringing up their children in the way they thought best. Particular teachers and methods of instruction, and books printed in Holland and drawn up on the Dutch system, were imposed by authority, with the view of infusing into the minds of the young Belgians, religious and political opinions incompatible with those of their fathers. A college was established at Louvain, called the Philosophical College, to which, instead of the ancient colleges, every Catholic Belgian educated for holy orders was compelled to resort, in It has been the fashion to stigmatize the Belgic revolution order to receive instructions from professors of an opposite as a bad imitation of the three days of Paris, and it may be persuasion to his own. This was sufficiently galling to true that this was the spark which set fire to the powder in Catholics; but the Belgians were interfered with, not only Belgium. But if the Belgians suffered for fifteen years all in the exercise of their religion, but also in the use of their that could hurt the moral, political, religious, and intellectual own language. Incredible as it may seem, in a country feelings of a nation, there is surely sufficient cause for the where French was the language of literature, of conversa- effect, without ascribing it merely to the revolution of tion, of the bar, and where the Flemish and Walloon France. The Belgic revolution was foreseen, and foretold; tongues were the only others in use by the common people, and the king had ample warnings to which he shut his eyes a decree was issued declaring the Dutch to be the national until it was too late. It has also been the custom of some language. The Belgians were forbidden from defending to praise the high degree of physical happiness which extheir interests in the States-general, in the Courts of Jus-isted in Belgium under the Orange dynasty; but it is a great tice, or by any public acts, except in Dutch. The father of mistake to suppose that where the land is well cultivated, a family was obliged to make his will in a language which and the people active and industrious, they have nothing more he did not understand; and barristers, notaries, professors, to wish for. Belgium flourished externally in spite, and not and even judges, were compelled to relinquish their situations, by reason of the measures of her government; and if that not merely from disgust, but from inability to hold them. government may claim the merit of advancing her industry, Such an accumulation of grievances naturally produced it is but little excuse for the violation of sworn faith and general discontent, and this discontent, as might be ex- established laws, or the obstinate disregard of the rights of pected, began to find a vent in the public press. Then com- its subjects. menced a series of prosecutions against the Belgic press, and the writers who presumed to give their opinions on public affairs. Penalties of imprisonment and banishment were inflicted in gross violation of justice on some of the most upright men in Belgium. In December, 1829, a final blow was levelled at the press, which would effectually have suppressed it, for it inflicted imprisonment upon the expression of any disapprobation, or, as it was termed, calumniation of the intentions of the existing government; and no less than thirty prosecutions against the press were commenced in the course of one month. Thus the Belgians were goaded for fifteen years; and when denied a free press-tried by dependent judges-and governed by irresponsible ministers-it would indeed have been wonderful if they had not murmured.

Such were the grievances which led to the revolution of August, 1830, whereby the Belgians threw off the yoke of the King of Holland, and broke the bonds of the treaty of Vienna. They proceeded to frame a new constitution, and after much discussion, determined that Belgium should be a constitutional monarchy. Among several candidates, the choice first fell upon the young Duke de Nemours, second son of the King of the French, for King of Belgium; but the French King thought it his duty to refuse his son's acceptance, and, after an intermediate regency, the crown was offered to Prince Leopold of Saxe Cobourg, who accepted it in July, 1831, and is now the reigning sovereign. From the moderation and discretion which characterize this prince, there appears every hope that he may be suited to so distracted a country as Belgium has for some time been-that he may tranquillize its factions-compose its troubles-and rule it in quietness and peace.

The population of Belgium, according to the official census, was on the 1st of January, 1831, 4,082,427. It now consists of the following provinces: viz.

347,590

556,046

603,214

733,938

608,524

371,568

338,395

Antwerp,
Brabant,
West Flanders,
East Flanders,
Hainault,
Liege,
Limburg,
Luxembourg,
Namur,

BANK OF ENGLAND. DURING the last session of Parliament, a Committee of Secrecy, consisting of thirty-two members, was appointed to inquire into the expediency of renewing the charter of the Bank of England, which will terminate on the 1st of August, 1834, upon a twelvemonths' notice to that effect being given The allied powers, whose intervention was first solicited by the government; and also to examine into the system of by the King of Holland, have occupied themselves down to banking, particularly that of banks of issue, adopted in the present time in arranging the terms of separation and England and Wales. Some of the Bank Directors, many peace between the two countries. The Conference of Lon-eminent bankers, and other persons possessing knowledge don has laboured long and laboriously to effect a pacification and amicable settlement of differences, but its task appears, even yet, not brought to a close. It is impossible here to detail the numerous proceedings and protocols of the Conference; but it would be very wrong in those who do not thoroughly understand its operations, to deny it the high merit of having laboured strenuously for the preservation of peace. The five great powers, as they are called, namely,

and experience of the subject, were examined before this committee, and the accounts of the Bank of England were also submitted to their inspection.

The points to which the attention of the committee was principally directed, were—

1st, Whether the paper circulation of the metropolis should be confined, as at present, to the issues of one bank, and that a commercial company, or whether a competition of

different banks of issue, each consisting of an unlimited | Allowing for possible omissions, the whole amount may be number of partners, should be permitted.

The proposition which we shall next notice is one of great | it is evident, are in this respect placed in a predicament in importance; and in order that it may be properly under- which they cannot help themselves. It is not in their stood, it will be necessary that the attention of the reader be power, by any contrivance or mode of management, to secure directed to one or two preliminary details. It has been to themselves a greater share of the produce of their lands already intimated that the principal part of the incomes of than they at present enjoy. the Irish bishops is derived from the lands attached to their sees. The revenue, however, which they draw from this source does not all come to them in the shape of rents. A bishop is prohibited by law from granting a lease of any land belonging to his see for a longer period than twenty-one years; but he may at any time gran a lease for the whole of that period. Suppose a bishop to be a very old man, or to be on the point of translation from the see which he occu- | pies to another; he has no connexion with, or natural interest in, his successor; he looks, and considers himself entitled to look, to his own advantage alone; how, then, is it natural that he should act in regard to his lands? If he could alienate, or sell them, it is plain that he would do so; but this, as we have said, the law does not allow. He will, however, do that which is the nearest to selling them that the law will allow; he will let them on the longest lease which it is in his power to grant, and he will anticipate as much as possible of the fair rental for that period by taking it from the tenant in the shape of what is called a premium or fine. The higher the fine, indeed, the lower must be the rent. But in the circumstances supposed, it is the former payment chiefly, or perhaps exclusively, in which he who makes the bargain has any interest; of the profits of the transaction, the fine is to be his own share, the rents the share of his successor. Or suppose even that he has no immediate expectation either of death or translation, still he will naturally act in the same manner. The fine is still a present and certain gain; the rent is exposed to all the chances of the future. He may live to the end of the lease, or he may not live to the end of its first twelvemonth. From what has been said, it will be obvious how unavoidably it has happened that all these lands are in fact held upon leases of twenty-one years, or for the longest term which the law permits.

But not only are the leases originally for twenty-one years. They are constantly kept up of that length, or as nearly as possible of that length, by the operation of the same cause which made them be granted for so long a term at first. At the end of every year, or at least of every two years, the tenant resigns his old lease, having now only a period of twenty or of nineteen years to run, and receives from his landlord another for twenty-one years from that time as before, on paying another fine for the extension. And thus it happens that the actual income of the bishop is in almost all cases made up partly of his rents, and partly also of those annual or biennial fines.

But the system which has thus been acted upon, while it has been, as we have just shown, the one most profitable and natural for each individual bishop to follow, has affected the productive value to the church of its landed property to a most material extent. Or rather, we ought to say that property thus peculiarly circumstanced is necessarily of very much less value to its nominal owners than if it were held in the ordinary mode of possession. The farmer, in bargaining with the bishop for a new lease, has the latter in a manner in his own hands. It is the bishop's interest to grant the renewal for the sake of the fine; and at the same time the actual tenant is the only person existing with whom he can enter into such a covenant. There is no competition -nobody else to bid against the individual in possession of the current lease. The fine, therefore, which the latter will consent to pay will be the very smallest that will suffice to tempt his landlord to grant him the renewal rather than run his life, as it is expressed, against the lease, that is, take his chance of surviving it, and forego the yearly fines altogether, for the sake of at last having the land, unincumbered by an actual lessee, to offer to free competition. This latter plan is, in point of fact, sometimes followed by a bishop who comes early in life to his see; but it is evidently a hazardous speculation in any circumstances; and even when it succeeds, it does not permanently release the land from the conditions which so greatly depreciate its value to the landlord; the old process, of the long lease, and its natural consequences, immediately begins again. The consequence of this state of things is, that the tenants of these church lands are really more their proprietors than the bishops. The interest which the former possess in them is more valuable than that possessed by the latter. And the bishops,

In reality it appears, that while the estimated value of these lands is about 600,0007, per annum, the bishops, by means of fines and rents together, do not derive from them more than a revenue of 100,000l. It is calculated that the value of his lease to the tenant, supposing him to pay a fixed corn-rent equivalent to what he now pays partly in the form of rent and partly in that of fine, is not less than twelve years and a half's purchase, that is, than twelve and a half times the remainder of the estimated yearly value of the land. If his lease, instead of being only for twenty-one years, were to be made perpetual, his interest would be thereby increased only by about seven and a half year's purchase, or that number of times the estimated yearly value. Now, it is proposed to give to every tenant the power of converting his present lease into a perpetual one, by paying for the additional benefit a sum of money somewhat less than it has thus been calculated to be worth, or six years of the estimated value instead of seven and a half. Taking this yearly value upon the whole church lands, according to the statemeut given above, at 500,000l. the sum thus raised will be about three millions sterling. Government propose that this money should be applied in any manner that may to parliament seem expedient. And clearly, it cannot in fairness be said to belong to the church. It is raised by the state without in the smallest degree infringing upon the revenues of the church. The incomes of the bishops will remain the same as they are at present; only, they will not be received partly in rents and partly in fines, but altogether in a corn- rent, equivalent to the real value of the rent, and the privilege of renewing the lease at present enjoyed.

Such are the parts of the plan which it is proposed to carry into immediate operation. But it also contemplates certain prospective reforms of a very important character. On the death of the present Archbishop of Armagh, the primate, it is proposed to reduce the income of that see from its present amount of about 14,500l. to 10,000l. As the actual possessors also of the different sees die out or are removed, the archbishoprics of Tuam and Cashel are to be converted into bishoprics, and the following ten sees are to be entirely abolished, namely, Dromore, Clogher, Raphoe, Elphin, Clonfert, Killala, Kildare, Cork, and Waterford, (which last is at present vacant, and will not be filled up). The saving arising from these reductions will be 60,000l. a year, with which it is proposed that the legislature shall deal as it may think fit. Finally, all deans and chapters, where they have no duties to perform, are to be abolished altogether, or to be attached to cures; and in regard to parochial charges, the Board of Commissioners already mentioned are to have the power of suspending the appointment of ministers in all cases in which no duty has been performed for the space of three years past.

IRELAND.

66 a

ONE of the subjects to which the attention of Parliament was most emphatically called in the King's Speech, was the state of Ireland, where, as his Majesty declared, spirit of insubordination and violence had risen to the most fearful height, rendering life and property insecure, defying the authority of the law, and threatening the most fatal consequences, if not promptly and effectually repressed." In conformity with this recommendation a bill was, on the 15th of February, brought into the House of Lords, by Earl Grey, described to be "for the more effectual suppression of local disturbances and dangerous associations in Ireland." It is no part of our present object to go over in detail the clauses of this bill, which, while we write, is undergoing the minutest examination of their lordships in committee, and may possibly be considerably modified before it passes through both houses, and becomes a law. But in the course of the discussions that have already taken place on it, frequent references have been made to certain former acts and measures which it embodies, or on which it is partly founded; and we propose, therefore, after a few words on the general question, to append a short notice of these previous attempts to meet a state of things similar to that which the government has now to contend with.

Lord Grey has not deemed it necessary or advisable, before introducing this bill, to call upon the legislature to