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in time of peace!-Our enemies reckon on our internal | us but considers the 1st of March as the day of the divisions. They excite and foment a civil war. As-salvation of the country. In vain the monarchs of Eusemblages have been formed, and communications are rope pretend to change our sentiments, as if a nation carried on with Ghent, in the same manner as with were not its own master. But, gentlemen, before the Coblentz in 1792. Legislative measures are, therefore, departure of the emperor, you will assure him, that become indispensably necessary; and I place my con- you will unite all your efforts, all those of the French fidence, without reserve, in your patriotism, your wis- people, to his generous exertions for the salvation of dom, and your attachment to my person. the country; and, since adulation and flattery have decreed to a prince, who was neither invited nor expected by the French nation, the fair title of THE DESIRED, do not you think-[murmurs]-do not you think it but just to decree also a title to the man, who, almost without means, confiding in the sentiments of the nation, landed alone on the 1st of March, to rescue us from slavery and the feudal system? I demand, therefore, that you declare him THE SAVIOUR OF THE COUNTRY.[Cries from all quarters for the order of the day.]— I demand that at the same time you publish an address to the French people." [Here the uproar became so violent, that the president was obliged to ring his bell several times.]

"The liberty of the press is inherent in our present constitution; nor can any change be made in it, without altering our whole political system; but it must be subject to legal restrictions, more especially in the present state of the nation. I therefore recommend this important matter to your serious consideration.

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My ministers will inform you of the situation of our affairs. The finances would be in a satisfactory state, except from the increase of expense which the present | circumstances render necessary; yet we might face every thing, if the receipts contained in the budget could all be realized within the year. It is to the means of arriving at this result that my minister of finances will direct your attention.

"It is possible that the first duty of princes may soon call me to fight for the country. The army and myself will do our duty. Do you, peers and representatives, give to the nation an example of confidence, energy, and patriotism; and, like the Roman senate, swear to die rather than survive the dishonour and degradation of France. The sacred cause of the country shall yet triumph!"

Soon after the opening of the chamber of representatives, it was abundantly evident that they were actuated by a very different spirit from what had ever before appeared among them during the former reign of Buonaparte; and that, in fact, they regarded him only in the light of the chief magistrate of the state, whom they were not bound to obey, or even respect, except as he conscientiously discharged the duties of his office.

Nor were the representatives more disposed to flatter the army. On the motion of Carnot, that, to add to the glory and enthusiasm of the armies, the chamber should decree that they had deserved well of their country, a strong opposition to it was manifest; and a motion for adjournment was carried, on the ground that hitherto they had not done any thing to deserve thanks. But the feelings of the chamber of representatives towards Buonaparte were marked in a still more decided manner, when Felix Lepelletier rose and stated, that he was about to propose an act of national equity and justice.

M. Felix Lepelletier.-"I am about to propose an act of national equity and justice. There is not one of

M. Dupin.-"Yes, you are here to preserve, to assist our legitimate emperor, by all the means in your power; but would you suffer the poisoned breath of flattery to find its way already within these walls?"-[Continued uproar.]

The President.-"Though the assembly manifests a desire to avoid the discussion of the proposal that has been just made, I am obliged to put it to the vote." On this the whole assembly rose to pass to the order of the day.

From these proceedings of the chamber of representatives, it is evident that they were strongly opposed to Buonaparte's resumption of his former power. Some of the members went much further, and indicated in pretty plain language, that, in their opinion, all titles ought to be abolished, and the government brought as near as possible to the simplicity of a republic: these sentiments, however, were by no means prevalent.

In the sitting of the 13th of June, the exposition of the minister of the interior was laid before the chamber of representatives. At all times these annual exposés were to be regarded with scruple and distrust; and it is not to be supposed that, at this period, they would be strictly conformable to the truth. This, however, is a curious and interesting document, as pointing out the hopes of Buonaparte, and the measures which he had adopted, as proofs of his altered principles and conduct, and as conducive to render him popular. In this view of it, we shall notice the most prominent and important parts.

After dwelling on the anxiety of the emperor for peace, and the injustice of the allies in their meditated

attack against France, the report proceeds to notice the minable negotiations commenced by the last governroyalist and republican parties. The former are repre-inent with the court of Rome, and to re-establish, upon sented as by no means numerous or formidable. As to the basis of the concordat, the liberties of the Gallican the republicans, "converted from old errors of which church. experience made them feel too severely the cruel effects, they see in the emperor only the protector of the liberal ideas which they have at all times themselves professed, and which excesses alone have pre-functions, had done justice by abdicating their offices; vented them from hitherto seeing realized."

The first head of the exposition related to the communes. It represented, that, under the Bourbons, the communal administrations had been almost totally abandoned, and the communal funds dilapidated by the journeys of the princes; the restoration of the woods to the emigrants, &c. &c.

The second head related to the hospitals, which had also suffered much in consequence of losing one of their principal resources by the restoration of property to emigrants, with which they had been endowed by solemn laws.

Under the head of WORKS, the exposé stated that they should be resumed, but, in future, they should be exclusively reserved for France.

With respect to MANUFACTURES, they were said to be flourishing. The manufacture of sugar from the beetroot, in spite of all the efforts made to destroy it, promised shortly to render Europe independent of the New World for that article; and the indigo procured from woad already rivalled that of India.

JURISPRUDENCE.-This article of the report was extremely short. The minister merely stated, that those civil judges who felt themselves unworthy of their

and that, as far as respected the administration of the criminal law, the establishment of the trial by jury every day merited new approbation; but that, in the mean time, some organical institutions were necessary to regulate the duties and diminish the labours of those judicial citizens.

It was impossible to follow M. le Comte Regnault through all the details which he furnished on the important topic of the WAR DEPARTMENT. The result is, that, on the 1st of April, 1814, the army consisted of four hundred and fifty thousand men, exclusive of one hundred and fifty thousand prisoners, all veteran soldiers, and of one hundred and fifteen thousand conscripts of the levy of 1815, of which forty-five thousand only out of one hundred and sixty thousand had been raised. The last government, at once prodigal and avaricious, alarmed at its own strength, and essentially hostile to the army, had taken every possible means of diminishing it.

The orator then described the various oppressions to which the army had been exposed, particularly by the Under the title of INSTRUCTIONS, it was stated that, introduction of the emigrants, and which had reduced though the number both of scholars and colleges had its number to one hundred and seventy-five thousand been diminished, yet the university of Paris had still men. Since the 20th of March last, its number had under its direction three hundred and twenty-five thou-been raised to three hundred and seventy-five thousand sand five hundred and fifty-four pupils; and the Ly-combatants of every description; and, before the 1st ceum displayed the best spirit. of August, it would amount to five hundred thousand, independent of the national guards.

THE IMPERIAL GUARD.-"This surest bulwark of the throne in times of war, and its finest ornament in time of peace," had a separate article allotted to it in the official report. The minister condemned the injustice with which it was treated by the last government, and announced that it already amounted to forty thousand men.

PUBLIC WORSHIP.-In speaking of the clergy, the minister did not attempt to disguise the errors they committed under the last government, in giving way, from the lure of a restitution of church property, to the influence of emigrants, in stigmatizing as plunderers the owners of national property, whose titles had been recognised as legitimate by the Pope himself; and in attempting, in the name of the Almighty, whose servants they are, to light up the flames of civil war among The losses in the ARTILLERY had been in a great The emperor, however, was always disposed to measure repaired; they were occasioned chiefly by protect and even favour the ministers of the church, so treachery, and especially the delivering up of all the long as they confined themselves within the bounds of strong places, by order of the Count D'Artois, in his their duty, and had already conferred on the curates capacity of lieutenant-general of the kingdom. By an augmentation of one hundred and fifty francs, which this single act, France had lost twelve thousand pieces had been vainly promised to them by the last govern- of cannon, mostly of brass, the value of which was ment. The emperor was, besides, the only sovereign estimated at two hundred millions of francs. This loss, who, having no further interests to arrange with the however, had been entirely supplied; the arsenals, maPope, had it in his power to put an end to those inter-gazines of powder, and armories, were in full activity;

men.

and, after having armed the national guard and asso- | he could gain a decisive victory over them, it would in ciations, there would remain in the magazines six hundred thousand muskets.

all probability dispirit the rest, and dissolve the confederacy: especially might these consequences be expected, if he could defeat the British army. England was the soul of the confederacy: her spirit animated, her money supported it: if, therefore, her army were defeated, she would not be willing, and perhaps might

MILITARY EXPENDITURE.-The administrative details on this subject were little susceptible of abridgement. The minister, however, asserted that the necessary funds would be easily provided, and no new taxes be required. The MARINE presented considerable resources, not-not be able, to keep together the allies. Besides, under withstanding the evils produced by treachery, which had not, however, cast any stain upon its honour.

the Duke of Wellington, she had assembled a very large force, consisting of her best troops: if, therefore, this general, on whom she prided herself, and this army, yielded to the genius of Napoleon and the superiority of French soldiers, the people of England would probably insist on peace, even though the English ministry were still desirous of war.

There were still other motives for beginning the attack before the rest of the allies were come up. France evidently had less of that fondness for military glory than she displayed during his former reign. Now by what means would she so probably be re-animated by

It is not easy to conjecture the reason that induced Buonaparte to be so unwilling to announce the certainty of hostilities, and the absolute necessity that existed of his putting himself at the head of his armies. His delay in setting out from Paris for this purpose, has been supposed to originate from his apprehension that the republican party would take advantage of his absence, and either depose him altogether, or greatly curtail his authority. And it must be confessed that his situation was one of extreme difficulty and hazard. Against France there were collected more numerous ar-those feelings as by a signal victory gained by him? mies than had ever marched against a single opponent: and these armies consisted, for the most part, of the men, and were headed by the generals, who had already once conquered France, and driven him from his throne. Had France, therefore, been even unanimous and zealous in his support, there would still have been ample grounds for apprehension. We have already stated, however, that, in some of the departments, the adherents of the Bourbons were numerous and active; in other districts the people were lukewarm; and scarcely in any part was there a positive and active disposition in favour of himself. What, then, would be his fate, if his first efforts were unsuccessful? Would not he be driven from his throne? And, if he were successful, had he not reason to apprehend that his authority would still be cramped by the constitutionalists? Was it not evident that they regarded him with a jealous eye; and only endured him because he was a skilful general, not because he was the monarch of their choice?

It was, however, necessary that he should quit Paris, and put himself at the head of his armies. He had, indeed, declared that he would not strike the first blow: that, if war were to break out, the blame of beginning it should rest entirely with the allies: that France must be invaded before he would unsheath the sword. These declarations were made in the hope of rousing the French people; but this hope proving vain, he did not judge it prudent to lose any advantage he might gain, merely that he might be able to appeal to Europe as the person attacked.

Of the allies, only the Prussians and the English were as yet on the frontiers of France. If, therefore,

The contest, no doubt, would be obstinate. Between the Prussians and the French there existed a most deadly hatred; a hatred of a personal, as well as of a national, character. Blucher, who commanded the Prussians, it was well known, was pre-eminent in this hatred: ever since the battle of Jena, he had sworn to free his country. During the campaigns of 1813 and 1814, he had accomplished this object, and had retaliated on France some of the evils which she had inflicted on Prussia. But Buonaparte, the scourge of Prussia, was now returned, rendering, at least for the time, all Blucher's exertions and success of little avail. It may well be supposed, therefore, that Blucher entered into the new contest, resolved that the fate of Buonaparte should now be sealed for ever, and that France should be amply punished for her perfidy. In these feelings he was followed by almost every man under his command; for scarcely a single Prussian soldier existed but what had private wrongs inflicted by the French to revenge. Whose cottage had not been destroyed?— whose land had not been laid waste ?-whose mother, or wife, or sister, had not been insulted? On the other hand, the French hated those whom they had thus injured: and to this source of hatred were added others. In the first place, they remembered the invasion of France by the Duke of Brunswick in the beginning of the revolution; they recollected his manifesto; the evils with which it threatened France! In the second place, they called to mind that France had been overrun by the Prussians in 1814; and this national affront they now thought they had an opportunity to wipe out.

The feelings of the French and English towards each | throne at the solemn sitting, when your majesty, laying other were different; they were not so savage: but down the extraordinary power which you exercised, they prompted them in nearly an equally strong manner proclaimed the commencement of a constitutional moto wish for combat. The French had been repeatedly narchy. defeated by the English in Spain: the English had first proved to Europe that the Corsican's invincible troops could be repeatedly beaten, and effectually resisted; their disasters in Spain might be regarded as the grand source of all their other calamities. French vanity, indeed, easily found a cause for their defeats in the Peninsula: there they fought under great disadvantages; the people harassed their operations; they were obliged to fight not only against the English, Spanish, and Portuguese armies, but also against the whole population. Besides, the operations of Buonaparte in other quarters prevented him from supplying the war in Spain as he ought, and as it required: and, above all, he was not there in person.

The English, also, were eager for the battle in the Netherlands. Under the Duke of Wellington, they had beaten the French armies led on by their most celebrated marshals: but now they would be afforded an opportunity of beating Buonaparte himself. After what they had done, and with their confidence in the duke, they could not doubt what would be the issue; but still they were anxious for the combat.

Such were the motives and objects which induced Buonaparte to resolve on immediately quitting Paris; and such were the feelings of the hostile armies towards each other. Buonaparte also considered the scene of approaching action as in a high degree favourable to him. The Belgians still retained their attachment to the French, which certainly had not been weakened by their union with Holland: if, therefore, he should be decidedly victorious in the first battle, he had reason to hope that the people of the Netherlands would rise in his favour; and that their example, preceded by a great victory, would rouse in France itself a more enthusiastic feeling than had as yet displayed itself.

"The chief bases of that monarchy, the protectress of liberty, equality, and the happiness of the people, have been recognised by your majesty, who, rising above all scruples, as anticipating all wishes, have declared that the care of collecting our scattered constitutions, and of arranging them, was one of the most important occupations reserved for the legislature. Faithful to its mission, the chamber of deputies will perform the task thus devolved upon it: it requests that, to satisfy the public wish, as well as the wishes of your majesty, national deliberation should rectify, as speedily as possible, any thing defective or imperfect that the urgency of our situation may have produced, or left to exist, in our constitutions considered as a whole.

"But, at the same time, sire, the chamber of representatives will not show itself less anxious to proclaim its sentiments and its principles as to the terrible contest which threatens to cover Europe with blood. In the train of disastrous events, France invaded, appeared for a moment listened to, as to the establishment of a constitution, only to see herself almost immediately subjected to a royal charter emanating from absolute power, to an ordinance of reform always revocable in its nature, and which, not having the expressed assent of the people, could never be considered as obligatory on the nation.

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Resuming now the exercise of her rights, rallying around the hero whom her confidence anew invests with the government of the state, France is astonished and afflicted at seeing some sovereigns in arms call her to account for an internal change, which is the result of the national will, and which attacks neither the relations existing with other governments, nor their security. France cannot admit the distinctions with the aid The day before Napoleon left Paris, deputations from of which the coalesced powers endeavoured to cloak the chamber of peers and the chamber of representa- their aggression. To attack the monarch of its choice, tives waited upon him. The address of the former, is to attack the independence of the nation. It is armed and Buonaparte's reply to it, presented nothing remark- as one man to defend that independence, and to repel, able: but the address of the chamber of representa- without exception, every family and every prince whom tives, and the reply to that, deserve insertion, as afford- men shall dare to wish to impose upon it. No ambiing additional proofs of the boldness of the representa- tious project enters the thoughts of the French people; tives; of the ideas of liberty which they entertained; of the will even of a victorious prince will be insufficient the hopes respecting the issue of the contest which they to draw on the nation beyond the limits of its own deindulged; and of the feelings and principles which Buo-fence: but to guard its territory, to maintain its liberty, naparte thought proper to express on this occasion.

"Sire,―The chamber of representatives received with profound emotion the words which proceeded from the

its honour, its dignity, it is ready for any sacrifice.

"Why are we not still permitted to hope, sire, that these warlike preparations, formed perhaps by the irritation of pride, and by allusions which every day must

"Independently of the legislative measures required by the circumstances of the interior, you will probably deem it useful to employ yourselves on organic laws destined to put the constitution in motion. They may be the object of your public labours without any inconvenience.

weaken, may still disperse before the want of a peace | laughing-stock of posterity, by occupying itself with necessary to all the nations of Europe, and which shall abstract discussions at the moment when the battering restore to your majesty a spouse, to the French the heir ram was shaking the gates of the city. of a throne? But blood has already flowed; the signal of combat, prepared against the independence and liberty of France, has been given in the name of a people who carry to the highest pitch the enthusiasm of liberty and independence. Doubtless, among the communications which your majesty promises us, the chambers will find proofs of the efforts you have made "The sentiments expressed in your address suffito maintain the peace of the world. If all these efforts ciently demonstrate to me the attachment of the chammust remain useless, may the calamities of war fallber to my person, and all the patriotism with which it upon those who shall have provoked them.

“The chamber of representatives only waits for the documents announced to it, in order to contribute with all its power to the measures which the success of so legitimate a war will require. It delays pronouncing its resolves only till it knows the wants and resources of the state; and while your majesty, opposing to the most unjust aggression the valour of the national armies and the force of your genius, will seek in victory only one mean of attaining a durable peace, the chamber of representatives will deem that it marches towards the same object, by incessantly labouring on the compact, of which the improvement must cement the union of the people and the throne, and strengthen, in the eyes of Europe, by the amelioration of our institutions, the guarantee of our engagements."

To this address, Napoleon replied,

"Mr. President, and gentlemen deputies of the chamber of representatives,

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is animated. In all affairs my march shall be straight forward and firm. Assist me to save the country. First representative of the people, I have contracted the engagement, which I renew, of employing in more tranquil times all the prerogatives of the crown, and the little experience I have acquired, in seconding you in the amelioration of our constitutions."

'The same night Buonaparte set out from Paris, and the operations of the French army, as soon as he joined it, were extremely prompt, and marked by that military talent for which he was distinguished. At the same time, three large armies, one from Laon, at the head of which was the Corsican himself; that of the Ardennes, commanded by General Vandamme; and that of the Moselle, under the command of General Girard, breaking up from their respective cantonments by a simultaneous and admirably executed movement, united on the frontiers of Belgium.

The 14th was the anniversary of Napoleon's victories at Marengo and Friedland; and it was supposed that "I recognise with satisfaction my own sentiments in he would have fixed on this day to have commenced those which you express to me. In these weighty cir- hostilities; but, though he was extremely attached to cumstances my thoughts are absorbed by the imminent fortunate days, yet, in this instance, he showed that war, to the success of which are attached the independ-prudence weighed more with him than this attachment; ence and the honour of France. for, on the 14th of June, he could not have begun hostilities with any chance of success. He therefore contented himself with issuing the following address to his troops :

"I will depart this night to place myself at the head of my armies; the movements of the different hostile corps render my presence there indispensable. During my absence, I shall see with pleasure a commission appointed by each chamber engaged in deliberating on our constitutions.

"The constitution is our rallying-point; it must be our pole-star in these stormy moments. All public discussion, tending to diminish, directly or indirectly, the confidence which should be placed in its enactments, will be a misfortune to the state; we should then find ourselves at sea, without a compass and without a rudder. The crisis in which we are placed is great. Let us not imitate the conduct of the lower empire, which, pressed on all sides by barbarians, made itself the

GENERAL ORDER.

"Avesnes, June 14, 1815. "Soldiers!-This day is the anniversary of Marengo and of Friedland, which twice decided the destiny of Europe. Then, as after Austerlitz, as after Wagram, we were too generous! We believed in the protestations and in the oaths of princes whom we left on the throne! Now, however, coalesced among themselves, they would destroy the independence and the most sacred rights of France. They have commenced the most unjust of aggressions. Let us march, then, to

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