press and the Legislature against religion and morals. It is a most deplorable fact, that in late years the portion of the House of Commons which has been the most irreligious in private life, and the most bold and active on the side of infidelity and vice, has owed its election chiefly to the preaching and praying Protestant Dissenters.

Farther, the latter have done prodigious injury to religion, by connecting it with politics. In regard to the slavery question, their ministers enter the political arena to utter the most gross untruths, and advocate the most unjust spoliation: it is no defence to say they do this from ignorance, for they, of all men, should not speak without knowledge. What follows from their guilty labours to place their fanaticism above both the Scriptures and the laws of the realm, and to usurp the functions of Government? A vast portion of the population is led to regard religion as an enemy of law, right, and property; and to seek its practical suppression as a matter of personal and national safety.

The Dissenters have long rendered the greatest service to religion and morals amidst the lower orders; but this, in the last few years, has been more than counterbalanced by the injury they have inflicted on them in regard to the press and the Legislature. They have done more than any other men in the empire to secure their overthrow. Those who think that religion is on the point of being extinguished for a season, may see abundant cause for holding their opinion; and they may also see that her peril has been mainly created by her misguided professors. To the bigoted, fanatical part of the Dissenters, we speak not; but to the very many excellent and sensible people numbered among them, we

say, What have you to gain from this conduct? Granting that times have been when it was necessary for you to place politics above religion, have they undergone no change? What have you now in honesty to hope, or to fear, from the Church and Government? You have zealously assisted in producing the fearful dangers you are at this moment calling on Heaven in your chapels to remove,

you confess they threaten you as much as the national religion,—you see that with the latter you must fall, and yet from hostility to it, alike unprovoked and wicked, you combat for the Liberals, to whom it is less an object of contempt and enmity than your own. You are practically using your tremendous power for the overthrow of all religion; and if you proceed a little farther, dreadful will be the penalty exacted from you for the heinous iniquity.

The Court and Aristocracy have much in habit, and more in circumstance, to tempt them to immorality; and at all times it depends largely on the press, whether they are to be licentious, or the contrary.

But in other matters, as well as religion and morals, the press to a great extent governs the Legislature and the upper classes, as guides of public opinion; and if it be not kept from error and impurity, they cannot.

At present, then, the London press is perfectly despotic over the Legislature, the Executive, and every thing besides; we do not speak too strongly, when we say, they dare not oppose or disobey it. In matters of foreign and domestic policy, its mandates alone must be listened to; at its nod, the empire must have its interest sacrificed both at home and abroad; the voice of the people at large must be treated with scorn, and all the realities of national freedom

It seems as

VOL. XXIX. NO. CLXXV.

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must be in effect annihilated. If this despotism were truly independent and upright, it would still be flatly opposed to liberty and the spirit of the constitution, which insist that there shall be no despotism of any kind-that every thing in the social system shall be duly balanced and restricted. But it is the reverse. The tyrant over the authorities of the realm, it is virtually the slave of the liquor-shops and dining-rooms, or, at the best, of these combined with the general shops and counting-houses: it avows itself to be devoted to the popular cause; thus it confesses itself to be the menial of a party, and of that which generally wars against the best interests of the community. It has long been endeavouring to give this party, to wit, the populace, arbitrary control over the rest of the population. The different publications vary in character; but nearly all are on the same side: the moderate must assist the profligate ones, or be silent. Thus effective discussion is suppressed; the Legislature is stripped of its deliberative functions, and the Executive of its powers, to be made the instruments of remorseless tyranny.

No honest man will say that this state of things ought to continue; and no intelligent one will say that it can continue, without soon producing the overthrow of the empire, and the dissolution of society. The main argument in defence of the liberty of the press, even with the Whigs, has always been that the press could be made to correct its own errors,-to balance and restrain itself; but it is at present worthless. Whatever may be the case, touching mere personal and local matters, the press now cannot be made to do this in regard to interest and class, principles and systems, of national policy.

What, then, ought to be done? Our reply is, legal measures would be useless; they could supply no remedy without destroying the freedom of the press. In a free, great, and reading nation like this, we hold it to be a matter of imperious state necessity for the Ministry to have its own newspapers, controlled in their general contents by itself, and compelled to uphold public institutions, and the interests of the upper as well as the lower classes. This will cause, which we hold to be equally necessary, the Opposition to have its pa

pers governed in a similar manner. Farther, the aristocracy and clergy, as one of the conditions of their support, ought to bind the Ministry and Opposition to keep their papers rigidly attached to right principles. These newspapers would have great and influential circulation, and, to a certain extent, they would lead the lower orders to hear both sides. As to the popular cause, it would still have its full share of the press; saying nothing of the Opposition prints, the golden patronage of gin, beer, dinner, and coffee-shops, would have no lack of newspaper candidates.

Our decided conviction is, that nothing but this can create a divided, balanced, self-correcting press. Some years since, the Quarterly and Edinburgh Reviews led public opinion. and the newspapers; but the latter, and the Magazines, now equal, and often surpass them in talent; and they have lost their ascendency. The newspapers at present, in influence, form the press; and they must be divided by some such means as we have described, or be combined and omnipotent. As to their independence, it is out of the question; they cannot live if they do not accommodate their opinions to their party; and it is impossible, in the nature of things, for them to be independent. The choice lies between a united press, independent of the two great constitutional parties of the State, but the slave of the liquor and other shops, and the lower orders of London; and a divided one, governed partly by the latter, and partly by the two parties;-between a press representing the diversities of public opinion, and one representing only the opinion of the shops and lower orders we have named;-between a constitutional press, defending all interests and classes, and promoting due discussion in and out of the Legislature, and a revolutionary one, warring against the aristocracy, church, and public institutions in general, and prohibiting such discussion.

As matters are, no Ministry or Parliament can exercise its discretion, and do its duty; none has been able to do it for years. It signifies not what changes of men there may be in either; there must be no change of principles and measures, because the supreme, despotic, irresponsible Ministry and Parliament are not

changed. Let it ever be remembered, that the tyranny which makes puppets of them both, also makes puppets of the newspapers; it consists of the gin and other shops, and the motley anti-English and foreign multitude of the metropolis. These really form the source of that irresistible public opinion, of which the press is falsely called the parent; and they are the primary rulers of the British empire.

One of the many destructive consequences which flow from the present state of things, is this: The Ministry and Opposition are too happy if they can prevail on the press to puff them personally, and their measures, without suffering them to interfere with it farther; if it concede so much to them, it still must take general opinion from the multitude. It follows, that the worst doctrines are, in the public eye, circulated under their authority; the ministerial papers are also the revolutionary ones. If the prints of the Wellington Ministry attack the corn law, revile the aristocracy, and slander the throne; or if those of the Grey Ministry teach the absurdities of the economists, rail against the church, defame the magistracy, and feed the frenzy of the poor against the rich; it must have the worst effects on the general feelings of the country, and not only disable the Ministry for exercising its functions, but create the means of its certain destruction. The Wellington Ministry was, in a large degree, ruined by its newspapers; and if the Grey one do not take care, it will meet the same fate.

When all admit the stupendous power of the newspapers, and deplore the manner in which it is exercised,-when the weathercock guilt of some of them is a by-word with

every party, it is astonishing that the establishing and governing of them is left solely to men,* who do it on principles of private trade, and who cannot afford to do it on any other. The morning ones rule London; and the commencing of one on the anti-popular side, would dissipate a large fortune before it could gain a living circulation; therefore, in private individuals, it is out of the question. If the newspapers possess the power ascribed to them, nothing could be more clear than that the rulers and upper classes of the empire ought to endeavour to employ a due portion of it on the right side of things. It is obviously as essential for the opinion and reasoning of the Executive and higher ranks, to have full circulation, as it is for those of the multitude to have it; consequently, our conviction is, that in every free state, which must depend for freedom and prosperity on the due publicity and collision of opinion and reasoning, it is essential for the Executive to have its own avowed newspapers.†

If, however, nothing be done, it is demonstrable that the great sources and guides of public opinion must be restricted to the most fatal error and impurity. The press must be the slave of the multitude; and the Executive, Legislature, and Aristocracy, must be the slaves of the press.

Let us now speak of the local government of the metropolis.

It most fortunately happened, that in former times, the metropolis was divided into three great divisions, and these were subdivided into parishes, &c. Had not this been done, we are pretty sure, that at this moment it would have been regarded as one vast undivided whole, and governed, as immense undivided masses

of souls only can be, by brute force by police, and other sub-tyrants. This is evident enough, because, notwith standing its enormous increase of population, no effort is made to multiply its separate local governments. Casting from us the wild and destructive generalities of the age, which are as fashionable here as in all other matters, we will look at details. In proportion as the inhabitants of the metropolis are virtuous and well affected, laws, police, and restraints on the rights and liberties of the subject must be unnecessary: to prevent crime, disaffection, and tumult, vice and immorality must be prevented. Of course, it ought to be a leading object of local government to root up the things which corrupt innocence, and supply guilt with means.

Here the metropolis exhibits the most extraordinary deficiences. It is notorious, that all parts of it abound with houses which are kept solely for the accommodation of women of the town, and the men they pick up; and also for that of men and the young females, wives, &c., they seduce. It is a modern refinement, that servant girls and wives have now the means at hand for regularly making their secret visits to a brothel. The lower, and, of course, the chief part of these houses, are known by all to be dens of robbery, and almost every kind of crime. Their real character admits of no doubt-every respectable inhabitant of the streets in which they are situated would gladly give evidence against them : they could in every case be easily proved to be what they are, by infinitely more conclusive legal testimony than is often required for taking away life; yet they are rarely molested. Independently of the guilt they generate, these houses cause serious annoyance to the respectable part of their neighbours, and are highly injurious to the property which surrounds them.

The defective state of the law is perhaps a great cause why they flourish with impunity. Their character is in general too notorious to admit of mistake; suppose, therefore, that the magistrate had summary power to convict each, without other evidence than the depositions of a certain number of respectable housekeepers declaring it, to

the best of their knowledge and belief, to be what we have described. In regard to punishment, it ought to be the great object to reach the owner; therefore, suppose a fine were levied on the house, amounting to a year's rent, and also sufficient sureties were required that for some years to come it should be let to none but people of character;-some such plan would be effectual for putting down the worst of these houses, without invading in the least the rights of property. When we daily see men convicted in courts of justice of high crimes on slender and disputed circumstantial evidence, it is too much to tell us that the guilt of houses, which is ten thousand times more baleful to society than that of any robber, and which is known to all, cannot be reached by law.

Then there are many low public and other houses which are places of resort for thieves and gamesters. The character of these is notorious amidst their neighbours, and they could easily be put down in the same

manner.

In the next place, there are the low lodging-houses for beggars and the destitute. These are really public places, and none call more for proper surveillance than they do. Competent parish, or magisterial authorities, ought very frequently to inspect them throughout, rigorously examine their lodgers, and insist on due cleanliness, separation of sexes, &c. By this means many bad characters might be banished, and distressed ones assisted.

There are various streets, the inhabitants of which are of the most barbarous and riotous description. Husbands, wives, and neighbours, continually brawl and fight; and frequently a whole street engages in conflict. The men drink most of their wages, the women drink likewise all they can procure; and the children, half-naked, beg and steal, and are reared in all kinds of iniquity. These streets are well-known to all. Let a sufficiency of peace-officers be constantly stationed in them, not only to preserve order, but to ascertain the character, and employment, and wages, of every inhabitant. We will never admit, that the law ought to suffer a father to starve, and make criminals of his children, by his own drunkenness; therefore, let the chil

dren be well looked after; if they, as is now the case, ragged and barefooted, spend their time in running about town, let the parish officers be authorized to give them proper clothing and put them to school, and then to receive of their father's employer a part of his weekly wages in payment, taking care that the sum be no more than a fair proportion of his earnings. This would benefit the parents as much as the children.

We would confine this to the streets in question, and subject them in every point to the most rigorous government, in respect of both owners of the houses and occupiers. We would punish disorders and tumults with unsparing severity; and, to a large extent, make the owner responsible for the conduct of his tenants. The fact is, when these barbarians enter a street, they drive all other people out of it; the peaceable and welldisposed have no recourse but flight; they thus congregate to stimulate each other in profligacy, with nothing to instruct and restrain them save coercion. If they were compelled by such government to disperse, and seek lodgings singly in better streets, they would then be under the example and restraint of orderly neighbours and housekeepers. Every thing ought to be done to promote their dispersion, even for their own benefit.

These are the streets which supply the worst of the mobs-provide the mobs with blackguards and ruffians, and fill the metropolis with boys and girls, young men and women, of the most infamous character. Sunday labour ought, to the farthest point, to be vigilantly prevented by law. We have already recommended that liquor-shops should not be opened before one o'clock on the Sunday, and that they should not be suffered to sell any thing on the same day to be consumed in them, save in special cases.

Our general objects in all this are -1. The suppression of the houses which form the schools and bulwarks of vice and crime. 2. The severe, incessant watching of the barbarous, demoralized houses and streets, for the purpose of improving the character of, and duly dispersing, their inhabitants. And, 3. The prohibition of drinking and working on the Sabbath, as a great means, amidst

other things, of promoting religion, morals, and order. What is the existing system? An unconstitutional, despotic police, which endangers public freedom, and invades the rights and liberties of the subject, overruns the metropolis; and yet the great sources of guilt, barbarism, and tumult, are not reached by it. While it spares, it is to a large degree in league with, and protects, much more than injures, them,-it places the moral and peaceable under detestable espionage, insult, and oppression.

In recommending proper laws, let us say a word touching enforcing them. The clergyman is the especial guardian of religion and morals in his parish; and he is the most fitting man to keep it free from brothels, gaming-houses, and profanation of the Sabbath. If the duty were specially imposed on him by lawit is already imposed on him by a much higher authority-of watching it carefully on these matters; and if on his information, the magistrate were required to collect evidence, and put the law in operation, this would be highly effectual. The London clergy are in general excellent men, and yet we never hear of them taking a single step against the sinks of debauchery and licentiousness which flourish in their parishes. This cannot at any rate flow from conscience.

The religious people of the metropolis-Churchmen and Dissenters— are extremely active and liberal. Let them form themselves into a society, subdivided into branch parochial ones, for putting down the receptacles of iniquity, and preserving the Sabbath from violation. Let their appeals to law be cautious and sparing; and their great means be, friendly expostulation and assistance. Let them go from house to house amidst the lower orders, to reclaim the drunkard, reform the Sundaylabourer, and civilize the barbarous family. Let them freely give charitable aid when necessary, and strain every nerve, both by providing seats, and all other means, to induce the lower classes to attend divine worship. We tell them, the aspect of the times demands that they should provide, not only schools for chil dren, but churches and chapels for adults-not only distribute Bibles,