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tually occupied with official business, and so far removed from the necessity of attention to those particulars which ensure popularity, that it must be confessed they have something to learn in this regard, and they will now see how useful, and I should hope agreeable also, it will be, to cultivate a more friendly personal intercourse with those who expect that the confidence which they give will be requited with courtesy. There is no doubt that so far as political feeling went, the Marquis of Chandos was as likely to lose his County seat as other Tory lords and gentlemen whom the reforming frenzy has ousted, yet he was triumphantly returned through his personal popularity. He personally interests himself in whatever is of interest to the resident gentry of the county, and therefore there is no power which the combined zeal, cunning, and hatred of the Whigs can bring to bear against him, which will avail to deprive him of the confidence of the county to which he belongs.

A third reason for the Tory candidates being so generally unsuccessful, is that they too easily give way. In every case where the Tory candidates withdrew, not only was there an immediate loss on one side, and a triumph on the other, but the consequences extended themselves to other places, and caused a total alteration of the previously existing balance of influence. Had London not been given up so early in the field, it is by no means clear that Kent might not have been contested with success-but the panic of " resignation" spread, and people stood aghast, instead of fighting their battle manfully, even with the least hope of success. In the northern Counties the consequent loss to the Tory party is manifest Yorkshire, Lancashire, Northumberland, and Cumberland, were all to have been contested, but in all except the last, the candidates gave way without a struggle the whole force of money, and electioneering materiel which the ministerial party had collected for all these contests, was of course immediately devoted towards Cumberland, and the County was lost to the Tory party. Had contests taken place in Lancashire and Northumberland, what

ever might have been the success there, Cumberland would have been saved from the undivided domination of revolutionary feeling, and the absurdity of sending a person to Parliament who himself declared on the hustings, that he was not "a fit and proper representative" for the county. I know it may be said that these counties could not have been contested without a vast expenditure, and without exciting much tumultuous agitation, and I well know how naturally any man of good feeling must turn away with loathing from the prospect of the disgusting scenes of a contested election; but we should not let the revolutionary party get all the advantage of thus scaring us from our right, and if there ever was a time in which great sacrifices for the sake of county representation ought to be made, that time was on the late occasion.

Something however must be allowed to the unpopular candidates on the score of the danger of personal violence which in many instances threatened them. No man is called upon rashly to peril his life in an election brawl, and some who have thus ventured have become the victims of the brutal ferocity of the revolutionary mob. It would be well if those who sit at home in their closets, or by their firesides, and write or talk of the increased "intelligence" of the people, as the cause of the change in the selection of their representatives, would take a journey to a contested election now and then, and see how this "intelligence" manifests itself-that they would witness the shocking brutality-the gluttony and drunkenness-the yells, and the ferocious violence of a mob whom nothing but force, such as influences cattle, can control. At the late elections in England, there were several carried by mere brute force

the voters on one side were escorted to the poll with acclamation, while, on the other, they were prevented from going to the poll by violence offered to their persons-many were severely wounded, and some dangerously. In other places the terror of physical force was such that contests were not attempted. Is this the "intelligence of the people?" Is it of such patronage as this, that those calling themselves Parliament

ary Reformers are so proud? And let it not be said that it is to the mere mob and none other, that this violence is to be attributed. Those who set them on, or who "hallooed" them on, to use one of Mr O'Connell's strongest expressions, were not of the mere mob, but such as make speeches and write in newspapers; and some instances there were of men of property, with a number of persons in their employment, who were not voters, letting loose their workmen at the time of the election, with no other conceivable intention but to overcome, by brute force, the freedom of election, and to effect that by the violence of a mob, which they could not effect by fair and unobstructed voting.

Amid the general defection from old principles and old friends, it is a cheering reflection that the Universities have done their duty. If there be any just criterion of the sentiments of the educated classes of England, it is to be found in the decision of the large constituency who elect the University members. With regard to Dublin, where the election lies in the Corporation of the University alone, there may be some ground for alle ging that no particular weight is to be attached to its decision; but in the English Universities, whose Masters of Arts, with the right of voting, are scattered all over the kingdom, and actively engaged in the affairs of life, it is of the very highest importance to find them at such a time promptly and vigorously deciding against the headlong proceedings of the King's government. I rejoice more especially over Cambridge, upon the old principle, that there is more joy over that which was lost and is found again, than over that which we have always had in possession. In Cambridge an earnest and vigorous struggle was made-minds and bodies were heartily and zealously engaged in the good cause, and thus the victory was obtained. Had any languor, or indifference, or relaxation of exertion, crept into the proceedings, a different result would have followed, but the young men of the professions had their hearts in the matter, and carried the day. Let then the result of the Cambridge Election, as it fills us with good hope concerning the principles of those who real

ly ought to lead the country, also furnish us with an example to be imitated. Bad as the aspect of affairs may be, and it is sufficiently gloomy, it would be worse than madness to sit down in inactive despondency. There is yet much remaining to be done, and, by spirit, energy, and discretion, much may yet be accomplished. It is not presuming too much, from the returns that have been already received, to take the number in the new Parliament who will be opposed to "the Bill, the whole Bill, and nothing but the Bill," at two hundred and seventy. This to be sure will leave a large majority in its favour; but a strong minority is something, and a few minorities of 270 would make Ministers feel in rather an uncomfortable position. Besides the Bill,-even the amended Bill,-was full of errors which every man acquainted with the localities of the places where the measure has to operate could point out. These must not be lost sight of; some sense of common justice, or the shew of it, must still remain with the ministerial side of the House of Commons, and when palpable errors are held up before them they must pause, and condescend, at least, to their discussion. Let then the Bill be fought point by point,-temperately, fairly, discreetÎy, but with unflinching boldness,

let there be no flagging, no running away from the difficulty and trouble of a determined struggle upon every part and parcel of the Bill, and much-very much will be gained. The people have gone headlong in ignorance of what the Bill is;

long and arduous as were the debates upon it in the House of Commons, it was upon the general question of the goodness or badness of our present representative systemthe new measure has yet to be sifted-its inadequacy shewn-its injustice exposed-let that be done as it ought to be-let the ground be contended inch by inch, and a victory will be won, in winning round the common sense of the people.

But without, as well as within the walls of Parliament, a victory is yet to be gained by vigorous, patient, and good-humoured exertion. For the moment the Tory lords and gentlemen are perhaps sore at the treatment they have received,-they well

may be, but to let such a feeling continue were folly ;-perhaps they have deserved some of the disappointment they have met with. Let them deserve it no more,-let them cultivate the personal good will of the gentry of their counties, and organize matters against the next election. If every Tory gentleman took the pains to make a list of the names of all the freeholders in his neighbourhood, to ascertain the side in politics on which they generally voted, and to teach those of his own party the means of making their freeholds legally perfect, so that no doubt could exist about their right to vote when the election came on,—a great part of the trouble and difficulty which generally attends a contest would be saved, and the party possessing such information would come into the field with almost a certainty of the quantity of support he might

London, 19th May, 1831.

calculate upon. In elections, more than any thing else, knowledge is power, and no exertion should be spared either in obtaining and digesting this knowledge, or in conciliating the good will of the people, and instructing them upon the real nature of the Reform Bill, respecting which they have imbibed such vague and extravagant notions.

In Scotland you have made a better fight than we can boast of. I flung my hat in the air until it almost hit the sun, when I heard of the ejection of Jeffrey from Edinburgh. The county, too, has returned a good man and true, and his speech was excellent; but Sir George Murray's speech at Perth is the best we have yet had upon the present state of political matters, and every one,even the Times newspaper,-is loud in its praise.-Your old friend,

THE WHIG-HATER.

INDEX TO VOLUME XXIX.

ADVOCATE, the Lord, on Reform, 980;
the Tory Press called on to unfurl their
standards, 981; Denman, Jeffrey, and
Cobbett on Loyalty, 984; the Deacons
referred, for Mr Jeffrey's opinions on
Reform, to the Edinburgh Review,
articles on "Memoires de Bailly" and
"Filangieri on Legislation," 985; Dan-
gerous tendency of Cobbett's Schemes
of Reform exposed by Mr Jeffrey, (who
now adopts them,) 987; Vindication
of the present system of Representation
in the Edinburgh Review of 1816,
991; Article against Universal Suf-
frage in 1818, 996; Review of Lord
John Russell's speech in 1829, 997; the
Lord Advocate's present contrasted
with his former opinions, 998; Venal
and profligate character of the new vo-
ters, 1002; effects to be expected from
the Bill, if it add weight to the demo.
cratical interest, 1006; its effects should
it increase the influence of the aristo-
cracy, 1009.

Agony of Thirty-eight Hours, by Jour-
gniac St Meard, 935; Fourteen Hours
in the Committee of Surveillance de la
Commune, 936; Ten Days in the Ab-
baye, 937; My Thirty-eight Hours'
Agony, 938; the Last Crisis of my
Agony, 942.

Ambrosianæ, Noctes. See Noctes.
Anti-Reformers, Reformers, and a Word
to the Wise from Old Christopher, 721.
Arts, Fine, Ignoramus on the, No. I. 214.
No. II, 508.

Azimantium, Story of, 224, 446.
Bill, the Jacobin, a Song, 708.
Bill, the Reform. See Reform, Revolu-
tion, and Parliamentary Sayings and
Doings.

Biron, Duke de, Fate of, 629.
Births, List of, 672.

Budget, the Whig, 968.

Cabinet, the Present, in Relation to the
Times, 143-Opinions of Earl Grey
on Reform, 144-Those of Lord
Brougham, 153-Note on the Bishop
of Exeter, 157.

Causeway, Giants', Sonnets on the, by
Leodiensis, 342.

Champions, the Five, of Maga, a Song,
by the late Dr Scott, 271.
Child, to my, 626.

Christmas Carol, in honour of Maga, 11.

Christopher, Old, a Word to the Wise
from, 721.

Colonies, British, and Anti-Colonists, by
James Macqueen, 186.

and James Stephen, by

James Macqueen, 454.
Corn Law, and a fixed Duty, 645.
"Coste Firme," Scene on the, 45.
Cringle, Tom, his Log, 977.
Deaths, List of, 574.

Delta, Thomson's Birthplace, by, 127-
Winter Wild, by, 327-the Early lost,
by, 344 The Highlander's Return, by,
914.

Demos, 277.

Desert, Burial in the, by Mrs Hemans,
453.

Diary of a late Physician, Passages from.
See Physician.

Early lost, the, by Delta, 344.
Edinburgh Election, 867; Mr Robert

Adam Dundas, 869; the Lord Advo-
cate, 872; Petitions in favour of the
Lord Advocate, 873; means used to
inflame the rabble in his favour, 875;
abilities not the only thing to be looked
to in a candidate, 877; Mr Croker's
castigation of the Lord Advocate, 878;
difference in the character of a Scotch
and English mob, 879; outrages after
the Election, 887; Lord Advocate's
carriage-and-fourscore, 892; attempt
to throw the Lord Provost over the
North Bridge, 893; the Lord Advo-
cate's indignation because the military
had been called in, 894; the placards
intimating that the Riot Act had been
read, destroyed by his order, ib.; his
Addresses to the mob, imploring them to
disperse, ib.; his Notice next day, not
threatening punishment to those who
had been rioting, but to such as should
riot in future, 896; Remarks by Senex
on the Lord Advocate's conduct, ib.
Elections, the late in England, in a letter
from the Whig-Hater, 1011; delusions
which have been propagated, and pre-
vail, among the English yeomanry con-
cerning the Reform Bill, ib. ; exertions
of the newspaper press to produce these
delusions, 1013; unpopularity of the
Tory Lords and Gentlemen, ib.; the
Tory Candidates gave way too easily,
1014; violence of the mobs, ib.; the
University Elections, 1015; exertions

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that yet remain to be made by the
Tory Party, 1015; excellent speech of
Sir George Murray at Perth, 1016.
See Shepherd.

Ettrick Shepherd.

Exeter, Note on the Bishop of, 157.
Family Poetry, No. I, 652.
Fate of the Duke de Biron, 627.
Financial Measures of a Reformed Par-
liament, No. I. The Whig Budget,
968; proposed abolition of the tobacco
duty, ib.; reduction of duty on Calico
Prints, 969; tax on transfers of stock,
ib.; duty on transfers of land, 971;
duty on Canadian timber, ib. ; increase
on Cape wine duty, 973; duty on raw
cottons, ib.; duty on steam-boats, 974;
these ruinous projects, rejected for the
present, will be resumed when Minis-
ters obtain a Democratic Parliament,
975.

Fine Arts, Ignoramus on the, No. I. 214.
No. 11. 508.

- Freeholder, English, Letter from, on the
Ministry's Plan of Reform, 783.

Jacobin Bill, the, a Song, 708.
Johnne

Graimis' Eckspeditioun till

Hevin, be Mr Hougge, 641.
King Willie, 17.

Late Elections in England, in a Letter
from a Whig-Hater, 1011.

L'Envoy, 141.

Letter from a Liberal Whig, see Whig.
Letters on the British colonies, by James
Macqueen, 187,454.

Log, Tom Cringle's, 977.

Lord Advocate on Reform, 980.
Macqueen, James, Fourth Letter on the
British Colonies, from, 187; Prelimi-
nary Letter to Earl Grey, 186; Letter
to Earl Grey on British Colonies and
James Stephen, 454.

Maga, Christmas Carol in honour of, 11;
the Five Champions of, a Song by the
late Dr Scott, 271.

Marriages, List of, 573.
Martyr-Philosopher, the, 485.

Meard, Jourgniac St, Agony of Thirty-
eight Hours, by, 935.

Giants' Causeway, Sonnets on the, by Metropolis, local government of the, and

Leodiensis, 343.

Glasgow, the Gander of, a Song by Chris-
topher North, 568 - Ghost of the
Gander of, a Song, 717.
Goodnight, 343.

Government, Local, of the Metropolis, 82.
Grave Doings, 960.

Guard, National, 615.

Gun, the Old Maid and the, 255.
Harris, Henry, Doctor in Divinity, sin-
gular passage in the life of the late, 603.
Head, the Turned, 105.
Hemans, Mrs, Last Song of Sappho, by,
129-Penitent's Return, by, 130-
Communings with Thought, by, 260
-The Necromancer, by, 261-The
Procession, by, 451-The Burial in
the Desert, by, 453-Stanzas, 667-
Hymn of the Mountain Christian, by,
913.

Here a foul hulk lies Glasgow's Gander,
a Song, 719.

Highlander's Return, by Delta, 924.
Hogg, James, see Shepherd.
Homer, Sotheby's, 668, 829.
Hymn of the Mountain Christian, by
Mrs Hemans, 913.

Ignoramus on the Fine Arts, No. I, 214.
No. II, 508.

Ireland, state of, 467; catholic emanci-
pation, instead of allaying the ferment

in Ireland, has made it worse, 468; the
causes of Irish penury to be found in
the misconduct of the Irish people,
ib.; the truth of this illustrated by the
state of agriculture, 471; of manufac-
tures, 473; vehement party feelings of
the Irish, 475; the real means of im-
provement pointed out, 477.

other populous places, 82.

Ministry's Plan of Reform, Letter from an
English Freeholder on, 783.

Miser's Grave, the, by the Ettrick Shep-
herd, 915.

Modern Pythagorean, Remembrance by,
131.

National Guard, 615.

Necromancer, the, by Mrs Hemans, 261.
Noctes Ambrosianæ, No. LIII. 1; Dis-
cussion of Moore's opinion that men of
genius are unfit for the enjoyment of
domestic felicity, 6; Christmas Carol,
in honour of Maga, 11; the discussion
continued, 13; King Willie, 17; the
Discussion continued, 18; the Tri-co-
lor, 25; the Discussion continued,
26; Deficiency in Sir Walter Scott's
Metaphysics, illustrated from some pas-
sages of his Demonology, 30.-No.
LIV. 263; Ducrow's Poetical Imper-
sonations, ib.; the Five Champions of
Maga, a Song by the late Dr Scott, 271;
North's masterpiece in painting-the
defence of Socrates, 273; Demos, 277;
O fill the wine-cup high, 278; Ameri-
can Poetry, 280.-No. LV. 535; the
Quarterly Review and the Ettrick
Shepherd, 538; O weel befa' the Maiden
Gay, a Song by the Ettrick Shepherd,
546; "the Best Society," "the Highest
Circles," 548; Oysters, 552; Education,
554; the GREAT GLASGOW GANDER,
562; the Gander of Glasgow, a Song
by Christopher North, 568.-No. LVI.
688; criticism on a passage of Milton,
in regard to the imagination it displays,
ib.; Wordsworth's Excursion some-
times foolishly compared with Paradise

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