his wishes," he withdrew the petition until after Christmas; and, in fact, the understanding of the House was, that the Marquess gave in to his refractory tenants, and that the petition was abandoned altogether. This Mr Tennyson, be it remembered, is the public-spirited gentleman who was affected with such patriotic indignation at the corruption of East Retford, because he was sure of becoming member for Birmingham, if, as he hoped, he should succeed in transferring the franchise to that town. Now, his zeal burns for Stamford, and the violated constitutional liberties of the people; and on what condition does he abandon this high charge against a peer of England, this accusation of a violation of the people's liberties? Why this-that the peer in question will not turn out of doors some of his tenants in Stamford who have betrayed him, and broken their implied promises. The simple facts are these-in many of the English boroughs the right of voting belongs to the occupancy of houses within the borough. Persons of wealth, peers or commoners, purchase the property in these houses, and then allow tenants to occupy them at a nominal rent, whose votes, when they are required, are understood to be the equivalent for the house that covers them.

But these men, who are thus mean and base enough to be bribed by anticipation, take it into their heads, by and by, that they are to have their bribe and their independence both -vote against the man whose house they use without paying for it, and then, when he proceeds to kick them out, as turnspits that run backward instead of forward, with the wheel to which they are tied for their master's convenience, they raise a loud cry about tyranny and violated public liberty, and get such men as Mr Tennyson and Sergeant Wilde to be their champions. This is the real

state of the case at Newark and at Stamford, and it is not when the patrons of these places are turning the worthless people out, that they should be complained of, but while they keep them in, and while they use such vile instruments to procure returns of members to the House of Commons. This is the real violation of public liberty, wherein paltry

slaves are fee'd for base subserviency, and when, in the end, they forget themselves and are turned out, it is but a too tardy punishment. Lord Exeter, it seems, has been frightened into giving way to a part of his regiment of rogues who have mutinied. He will find his reward in the desertion of another batch of them upon the first convenient opportunity. This special jobber in reform, Mr Tennyson, has got a place in the Ordnance, because places in that department were going a-begging to any one who could command a seat in Parliament. We should like to hear Lord Grey explain what were the qualifications which moved him to this appointment.

Following the conversation on the Stamford petition, there was a brief discussion on the bringing up of the petition of the city of London, for a repeal of the duty on sea-borne coals. The whole amount of this duty was stated to be eight hundred thousand pounds, of which one-half is paid by the inhabitants of London. A tax in every way more impolitic, more injurious to the productive industry of the country, more grindingly oppressive to the poor, than this coaltax, does not exist. If coals were the production of France or Russia, and not of England, the free-trade gentlemen would, no doubt, have long ere this thundered forth their opinions of its enormity, with all the enthusiasm of political philosophers and cosmopolitan philanthropists. But coals are the produce of our own soil, and therefore unworthy of the notice of these men of " enlarged views." It is perfectly monstrous, that a commodity of this kind, the cost of which enters into the price of almost every manufacture, and which, in a climate like ours, is as necessary to the comfortable existence of the poor as food itself, should be heavily taxed to those who are obliged to obtain it by sea, and should continue to be taxed, while the duties on foreign luxuries are diminished or taken away. There seems to be a mental blindness, which is not inaptly termed "The free-trade insanity," in our policy with regard to customs duties, which is at once amazing and pitiable to behold in a country like this, of which the greatness so much depends upon a whole.

some policy in the administration of the affairs of trade. We take off the duty from Russian tallow, and we keep on the duty on English coalsWhat palpable madness! By increasing the import of tallow from Russia, we, no doubt, increase the export to that country of our goods, or perhaps our gold; but at the same time we discourage our own produce of tallow, and thus almost wholly annihilate a very important profit of the cattle farmer. By taking off the coal-duty, we would immediately increase the consumption, and cheapen the innumerable articles in the manufacture and carriage of which coals are used-we would greatly add to the comfort of the poor, by enabling them to increase the quantity of their fuel, and by affording an additional demand for labour at the collieries, which again would lead to a greater consumption of excisable articles. Thus in every way there would be an advantage, and no corresponding disadvantage, except the abandonment of a small item in the customs' revenue, which is never heeded when the object is to promote foreign trade. What magic there is in this word "foreign," which so completely turns people's heads, and stupifies them to a sense of the infinitely superior advantages of the home-trade, we have never been able to see; and we are not without fear that shameful motives of private interest might too often be found at the bottom, with many who have not hesitated to sacrifice our domestic interests to the encouragement of the use of foreign shipping and foreign productions. If the city of London would persevere respecting this pernicious coal-duty, they would very soon succeed in its removal; and we trust they will not be content to let the matter drop with the presentation of this petition.

Mr Littleton's motion for leave to bring in a bill to prevent the payment of wages otherwise than in money; that is to say, to abolish the "Truck System," gave rise to a very lengthened debate, which, if not distinguished by the display of any very brilliant ability, was yet ably and sensibly conducted. The question is an important one, both as to the principle involved, and the practical effect

of the truck system upon large bodies of the working people. As to the principle, it was pleasant to observe the advocates of free-trade railing upon the pernicious system of truck, which, if it be indeed pernicious, their "general principle," repeated out of political economy books till we are sick, and unfortunately acted upon till we are sore from its effects, is blown to atoms. In the late Ministry, and in the Liverpool Ministry, we always found Sir Robert Peel the abettor and the advocate of the "liberal and scientific principles," as their disciples are pleased to call them, of the free-trade gentry, and the Whigs soused him with their praises, and turned the man into a milk-sop; the same Sir Robert has now found out, that while he is convinced of the necessity of abolishing the truck system, he is yet aware that the measure is not in perfect accordance with the strict rules of political economy. "The rules of that science," he continues, "have reference to the production of wealth in a nation; but I must enquire what effect the application of them, in a given case, is likely to have on the morals of a country. If it were shewn to me, that the application of those rules added to the stock of wealth, but tended at the same time to the destruction of morals amongst the people, I certainly, to preserve those morals pure, would overlook and throw aside the principles of political economy." This, to be sure, is very indifferent speaking, and dreadfully Peel-ish in its style; but it is not that, but the heresy which shocks us. What, then, can the principles of the golden science of political economy, or "the application of them in a given case," as Sir Robert hath it, be adverse to purity of morals? Peter M'Culloch, where are thy thunderbolts? Lift up your voice, O most learned Professor in Lord Brougham's university of Cockaigne, and let it be heard, " volumed, and vast, and rolling far," against a calumny so grievous! Your friend Hume, however, is still true as steel; let that be your comfort amid the awful backsliding of others.

As to the practical part of the matter, we are not quite so clear as some members, for whom we have a high respect, seem to be, that the truck

system is so very injurious to the working people. There is an old saying to this effect, that "though Solomon was wise, and Samson was strong, neither of them could pay money if they hadn't it." The master manufacturers are not a whit more able in this respect than Solomon and Samson. The political philosophers have abolished by law the small notes, wherewith workmen were wont to be paid; gold is too expensive for those whose works proceed principally on credit, and they are forced upon the system of using the commodities themselves, instead of the money which represents commodities. No doubt it would be better for the workmen to be paid in money, but still it is better to be paid in goods than to get no payment at all, and in many cases this would be the necessary alternative. We should recommend Mr Littleton to be very cautious how he meddles in this matter, while the money of the country remains in its present restricted state, lest he should find, that instead of conferring a boon, he has inflicted a very serious evil on the working-people, by his bill. Mr Atwood, in a very able speech, took a view of the question in this light; upon which Mr Poulett Thompson, Vice-President of the Board of Trade, who unites in himself as much flippancy, confidence, and shallowness, as can be found in any man in England, arose and spoke the following nonsense: "Sir, if I agreed with my honourable friend who has just sat down, that the introduction of paying wages in goods has been resorted to as a substitute for paper credit, I should find in that an additional argument for supporting this measure. Until the House decides upon a new system of currency, I think we are bound to maintain that which exists; and I am quite convinced that a paper currency, bad as it was, was much preferable to a currency of cheese and butter, and I know not what else as worthless, as a medium of exchange." Now, this foolish, flippant gentleman should have been told, that the goods given by masters to workmen, are not intended as "currency," but as articles of consumption; that small notes were objected to by him and his tribe as having no intrinsic value,

and being liable to indefinite increase for purposes of speculation,—two objections which do not apply to butter and cheese, suppose they were made "currency;" and that whatever he may think (being a mighty fine gentleman) of the worthlessness of butter and cheese, they are good and valuable things,-nay, prized by some quite as much as Russian tallow, for which the Vice-President of the Board of Trade has, from certain mercantile habits, a much greater taste.

At the time the debate took place, the bill had not been printed; it has since been put into the hands of members-it sets out with enumerating and repealing eighteen previous acts of Parliament, and the principal of the new provisions are, that all contracts for the hiring of artificers must be made in the current coin of the realm-that contracts for hiring must not contain any stipulation as to the manner in which wages shall be expended-and that all wages must be paid to the workman in cash, or with his consent in bank-notes, and not otherwise.

On the 15th, Mr Robert Grant, who represents the Jews in Parliament, at a very considerable expense to that high-minded and eminently national body, gave notice of a motion for the 17th of February, for the removal of their civil disabilities, unless a bill now in progress for the repeal of the oath of abjuration should accomplish his purpose otherwise.

General Gascoigne said, he would feel it his duty very narrowly to watch any measure, the effect of which would be to admit Jew, Gentile, and Pagan, to the House. This is from a soldier. Should the measure make its way to the Upper House, we shall be curious to see what the Bishops will say to it. Surely they will be to the Jews a stumbling-block. A good deal of time was taken up this evening by a discussion on a motion for returns respecting the magistrates of Ireland, introduced by a Mr O'Gorman Mahon, who seems to be rather a rough and unpolished specimen from the sister island. It appeared in the course of the debate, that he was a Roman Catholic, and had himself been dismissed from the Irish magistracy, by a peremptory

order of the Lord Chancellor. As his motion was framed, it seemed to be a very improper one. It was happily ridiculed by Sir Charles Wetherell, to the great amusement and satisfaction of the House.

On the 16th, the proceedings of the early part of the evening had much variety. Mr Hobhouse was consecutively eloquent on the subject of select vestries in general, and St James's parish in particular; the elective franchise in Galway, and the treatment of insane persons in madhouses, which last subject, he hinted more than once, was of particular interest to his honourable friend the member for Cricklade. We hope there was no ugly insinuation in this. Mr Ewart presented a petition from certain of his Majesty's subjects residing in Liverpool, and professing the Jewish religion, praying" to be removed from the disabilities at present imposed upon them." This petition was ordered to lie on the table, but if the Liverpool Jews wish to be "removed," their petition should with more propriety have been referred to the Emigration Committee. Then came

Negro Slavery"-" Parish Regis ters"" Parliamentary Reform and Retrenchment"-" Galway Franchise" again-upon which Mr Wyse, the wisest of the Irish Roman Catholic members, made a set speech, and a good one. After this Mr Trevor fired a shot-preliminary against Cobbett's Register. Mr Wyse argued the propriety of extending the elective franchise in Ireland to household property, and Mr Hume presented a petition for reform from Southampton, and availed himself of the opportunity, to read a severe lecture to the members for that town. One of them, Mr Barton Hoy, retorted with some smartness upon the member for Middlesex, and a personal scene, which is always interest ing to the House, and generally amusing when Mr Hume is one of the parties militant, was the consequence. "Sir," said Mr Hoy," the honourable member for Middlesex has lately assumed a tone and manner in this House, in his conduct to other members, in which he is, I must say, by no means warranted. He dictates to them what course they should take, and takes them to task for their conduct. He is, by his

own appointment, receiver-general of petitions, and redresser-general of wrongs. Like a true Indian sportsman, he goes at all kinds of game, from an elephant to a snipe. I regret that the honourable member has not, on this occasion, come in contact with some one more able to enter into contest with him than I am, but I hope that on some occasion, when, Quixote-like, the honourable member sallies forth to redress grievances, real or imaginary, he may mistake some powerful giant for a windmill, and be vanquished in the encounter. If he should fall, I shall be satisfied with writing his epitaph 'procumbit humi bos."" We wish honourable gentlemen would be a little more accurate in their learned allusions. Don Quixote did not mistake a giant for a windmill, but a windmill for a giant, which makes all the difference. Certainly Mr Hume has grown prodigiously authoritative since the wheel of fortune turned him up member for Middlesex; but if he continue in this strain, it will require neither windmill nor giant to bring him down. To be humbly useful, is the character for which his qualifications fit him-if he persists in endeavouring to climb above this, he will tumble down below it.

The petitions being disposed of, Lord Chandos brought forward his motion for a supersedeas of the Evesham Election Writ, grounded on the necessity of an enquiry respecting the bribery that had been committed at the previous election, before the same parties should be allowed again to exercise the elective franchise. Upon this motion a very interesting debate took place, the progress and the result of which spoke little for the sincerity or the strength of the new government. The Ministry and their supporters, notwithstanding their zeal for a general reform, of their own manufacture, would by no means give their assistance to the checking of flagrant abuse in this particular case. Anxious to avail themselves of two purchaseable seats, and nettled to find an individual case of their favourite grievance taken up by honest hands, who would not suffer any jobbing advantage to be made of it, they suddenly found out the vast iniquity of suspending the elective rights of all

the voters, on account of the delinquency of a part-a view of the question which no suggestion would enable them to take in the East Retford case-and with sundry symptoms of extreme ill-temper, they avowed a decided hostility to the motion. They were, however, destitute of strength to resist the party of the Marquess of Chandos, and he carried his motion in the teeth of their opposition. With respect to the real merits of the question, it is scarcely to be denied, that many cases, as bad as that of Evesham, notoriously exist, and have occasionally been brought before committees of the House of Commons, without any such special notice having been taken of them, as has been on the present occasion; but if it be true, as has been so loudly stated on one side, and not denied on the other, that in consequence of the pressure of public opinion, reform is a thing of more urgent necessity now, than it has hitherto been, there is no inconsistency in laying hold of a flagrant case of corruption, which is presented with the proper and formal evidence, and demanding that the evil should be remedied. Mr Warburton, who is, for a man affecting science, sometimes strangely illogical, would persuade us, that it is unjust to punish one borough, without a sweeping measure for the punishment of the whole-he might as well argue, that one of a gang of thieves having been found guilty by good evidence, we should let him go, until evidence can be found for the prosecution of the whole party. But the most important view of the matter is this, that expediency and sound practical policy demand, that whatever produces so very important a change in the circumstances of society, as Parliamentary Reform, should be accomplished gradually, so as to afford opportunity for the new relations of men and things to adjust themselves peaceably, and in a solid and permanent form. What infatuation is it, that makes men blind to the rash folly of attempting, at one legislative blow, to destroy the institutions of a thousand years? If reform is to be accomplished peaceably, it must be done gradually, taking up the worst cases as they arise, or perhaps seeking them out. A sudden and general reform in a matter of such high na

tional importance as the representation of the people in Parliament, is revolution; and if it were done without popular tumult, and general terror, and consequent misery, it would be a miracle. In the present crisis, therefore, nothing could be more politic, than to stop the progress of the writ for such a place as Evesham, and put the abused franchise into better hands; and it must tend, along with many other things, very much to lower the character of Lord Grey's government, that for the paltry sake of a temporary convenience, to be derived from the corrupt purchase of two seats, they should, in this instance, have not only eaten up their own words, but their own principles.

The question respecting Evesham election writ being settled, the remainder of the evening was devoted to the lawyers; first, Mr John Campbell moved for leave to bring in a bill for establishing a general register for all deeds and instruments affecting real property in England and Wales Sir Edward Sugden said, that the question was as great and as important a one as ever was introduced to the attention of the House, and announced his intention of opposing the bill upon the second reading. Sir Charles Wetherell also gave notice of his intended opposition, and treated the proposition with ridicule and some asperity. As neither of these eminent lawyers entered into any argument upon the motion, we must be content to remain in expectation, until the debate on the second reading shall develope what the objec tions are to making a system general throughout England, which already prevails in the great counties of York and Middlesex, and in the kingdoms of Scotland and Ireland. Though not in general disposed to very profound admiration of the wisdom, or the manner of its display in Mr John Campbell, we cannot help thinking, while we remain unenlightened by the arguments of his learned opponents, that a general public registry of deeds is an establishment of most important necessity, and it is a matter of some astonishment that the kingdom should remain at this day without such an important security in the transfer of landed property. "With regard to the in