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exorbitant rents, to the income of the want of capital. In agriculture, those above them. If England should wages are not paid with capital, but furnish millions of capital annually, really with a part of the produce of it would be transmuted into private the land. This produce may be said revenue by crossing the Channel, to be divided between the landlord, and Irish agriculture would remain farmer, and labourer. In Ireland, as destitute of capital as ever. the landlord and his cubs get each a

Agriculture would be stripped of lion's share, that there is scarcely capital in England, Scotland, or any any thing left for the farmer and other country, by such a system. It labourer. Without adding a shilling can only possess it through its own to Irish capital, or altering the shares profits. The landowner must spare of the landowner and farmer, let the from his rent what is required by the produce which is grasped by the improvements it is his duty to make, middlemen be divided amidst the and the tenant be allowed by rent to labourers, and it will probably double receive fair profits, or it must be a or treble the rate of wages. Add stranger to capital. We have always millions to each capital, and under spoken strongly against Irish absen- the system of rack-rents, the additeeism; but in its direct effects, it is tional produce will be seized by the only one of the minor causes of Irish various landlords, and the rate of agricultural penury. In England, wages will not be raised ; labour will the landowners spend the main part only reap this benefit, an additional of their revenues in London, and quantity of employment will be for many prosperous districts have no re a short time created. With the president landowners; five-sixths, and sent system of land-letting, it is imoften nine-tenths of the villages are possible for British capital to raise without the latter. But the English the rate of wages, or provide permaabsentee builds, encloses, &c., and nent employment for the surplus he lets his land at such rent as ena- population; nothing can do this, but bles his tenants to thrive. In addi- the bestowing of a larger proportion tion, he binds the latter to the best of the produce on the labourers. systems of cultivation, and he is al Is England to blame because her ways ready to assist in promoting capital cannot benefit Irish agriculmeasures of local benefit. If the ture? Does she make the Irish landIrish one would do the same, absen owner extravagant, rapacious, and teeism would not prevent Irish agri- unfeeling, or restrict him from buildculture from possessing a sufficiency ing, enclosing, and binding his teof capital and prosperity.

nants to good systems of husbandry ? Even when the Irish tenant is not Does she create the middlemen and disabled by excessive rent, he accu per centage agents—the cormorants mulates little. It is asserted that, which pick up from the occupiers notwithstanding what has been done and labourers what the landowners in England and Scotland, turnips, leave ? Does she render the Irish artificial grasses, improved systems farmer ignorant, unskilful, and imof cropping, and good breeds of live provident, or disable him for adoptstock, are in comparison almost un- ing improvements, making profit, and known in Ireland; this contains as preserving capital ? Is it through her strong a proof of his incapacity as that the labourer's food and raiment could be given. The British farmer are filched from him by the landadopts every improvement, makes lords ? No, in word, act, and examthe most of his land, saves his profits, ple, she is guiltless; the blame rests and thereby acquires capital for both wholly on the Irish people. himself and his needy neighbours; It is alleged that the Union causes the Irish one uses not the means, the Irish landowners to be absentees. and therefore gains not the fruits. It has no more right to do this, than

The Economists, standing on the it has to make absentees of the Engbaseless dogma, that the rate of lish and Scotch ones. Why cannot wages must be governed by the the Irish, as well as the British landamount of capital to be divided owner, visit his estate when the Sesamidst labourers, put forth the ab- sion of Parliament closes ? If he be surd assertion that the penury of an absentee, it forms no reason why Irish husbandry labourers arises from he should drain from his estate, not

What pre

only his fair rent, but also the profit, the Irish traitors, the British consucapital, and bread of his tenants and mers of linens have been sacrificed their labourers.

to the Irish producers. Farther, the It is pleaded in defence of the Scotch kelp manufacturers have been landowners, that they cannot live on sacrificed to the Irish bleachers. If their estates from the turbulence of the bounties have been withdrawn, the people ; and that much of the be it remembered, that this was appenury and misery of the latter is plauded by the Irish Liberals, who produced by their own misconduct. asserted they only benefited the BriIf they place so many landlords be- tish manufacturers, to the prejudice tween themselves and the inhabit- of the Irish ones. As far as possible, ants of their estates, that these inha- exclusive advantages have been given bitants are wholly above their con to the Irish linen trade, at the cost trol, the fault belongs not to Eng- of England and Scotland. land. What prevents her from form Have British manufacturers ening an efficient magistracy? Their joyed natural advantages over Irish absenteeism. What prohibits her ones? The contrary has been the from creating a substantial yeomanry case. The Irish manufacturers have and duly restricted peasantry? Their had advantages in respect of flax, mismanagement. Why cannot she bleaching, cheap labour, and exempenforce the laws ? Because they de- tion from taxes, which have much prive her of means, and make the outweighed their disadvantages in population lawless.

regard to fuel, &c.; they have had If the Irish farmers and husbandry the same means as their rivals for labourers war at elections against procuring machinery. their landlords, and thereby bring on The Irish linen trade cannot have themselves ruin and starvation, Eng- declined from the want of capital, beland is not the cause.

cause it long flourished, and it then vents her from putting down the ought to have not only filled itself with demagogue and Papist priest-from capital, but supplied much to other terminating the despotism and crimes trades. An extensive manufacture of the leader, and the fanaticism, can never fall from the want of capislavery, and stupidity of the follow- tal; because, so long as it can be er ? solely the Irish people.

carried on by means of the latter, it Let us now enquire how far the will produce as much as it can em, decline of Irish manufactures has ploy. The trade cannot have declined been produced by English misgo- from incapacity in the workmen; for vernment.

Irish workmen to a large extent Ireland, a few years ago, had a fabricate the successful British limanufacture, the linen one, in which she stood far above England and England is not the cause, if Irish Scotland; has she lost her superior- linen manufacturers be improvident, ity in it through exclusive advantages extravagant, or incapable as men of granted to British consumers and business. It is demonstrable that manufacturers ? No. When the she has done every thing in her power wretched free-trade system was in to support the Irish linen trade; and troduced, this manufacture was spe- that the reason why it is distressed, cially exempted from its operation ; and has not been made an abundant while the English silk and other source of capital and subsistence, is trades were to be plunged into ruin, to be found amidst the Irish people. the Irish linen trade, on the avowal Turning to other manufactures, it of Lord Goderich and Mr Huskisson, is asserted that they have been ruinwas to be protected by prohibitory ed by those of Britain through the duties. It is solely for the benefit of abolition of the Irish protecting duthis trade, that the duties on foreign ties. Let it be remembered, that linens are at this moment almost this abolition was part of that change double those on foreign silks ; it which exalted Ireland from a colony forms the only interest of any con into an integral part of the United sequence which really enjoys a legal Kingdom. Not only the Irish traitors, prohibition against the foreigner. but also the manufacturers, have Here, according to the doctrines of been zealous champions of free trade

nens.

with foreign nations; therefore on bly potatoe, feeding. Ireland, with their doctrines the abolition must abundance of cheap milk and corn, have been highly beneficial, by ena- might have bacon fully equal to that bling Ireland to buy cheap, instead of of Yorkshire. In the price of these producing dear, manufactures. two articles, she loses a very large

If the change injured the manu sum annually, solely from ignorance factures of Ireland, it benefited in a and negligence. far greater degree her agriculture; The want of a home market opeit gave her, as it was intended to do, rates powerfully against Irish manuinfinitely more than it took from factures : it flows from the indigence her.

of the population, which evidently Why cannot Irish manufactures is produced by rack-rents in agriculcompete with British ones in cottons, ture, the languishing condition of woollens, &c. ? They can have the manufactures, incapacity and missame machinery and skill; they have conduct in the farmers and manuadvantages in cheapness of labour, facturers, bad wages, and the ab&c., sufficient to outweigh disadvan sence of employment. If the manutages in other things; they are ex facturers could only compete with cellently situated in regard both to British ones, it would have great efraw produce and foreign markets. fect in making the people consumers. It cannot be from the want of capi- England here is guiltless. tal, because Ireland had different We need say but little of the Irish manufactures fully established, and merchants. England makes no disyet they could not sustain the com tinction between them and her own; petition ; of course, if she cannot she opens to them her vast home, compete with British manufacturers, colonial, and foreign markets, she British capital can only be sent her grants them every possible privilege, to be lost. The cause evidently is, and the fault is not hers if they do not English misgovernment, but Irish not flourish as much as English ones. misconduct.

They, at any rate, cannot suffer from If English and Scotch manufac- the want of her capital, because, turers establish themselves and their from their connexion with British capital in Ireland, they are perhaps merchants, it must always spontaneruined by the ferocious combinations ously flow to them as rapidly as they of their workmen, or the turbulent can find proper employment for it. proceedings of the people. Their Nothing is of more transcendent brethren remain at home, because worth to public wealth and industry, they see there is no regular security than banks. They are the offspring of person and property in Ireland. of private individuals,—and if IreHere, also, the Irish people are the land have not possessed them like sole parents of their own injury. England and Scotland, the fault rests

Butter and hams may be called with her own inhabitants. While manufactured articles, and they are England, in the insanity which has important ones to Ireland. Irish but- afflicted her for several years, has ter ranks much below, not only En been labouring to destroy her own glish, but Dutch, and this must arise banks, she has given exclusive privi. solely from mismanagement in the leges to those of Ireland, as well as making of it. Irish hams are retailed Scotland. for a third less than Yorkshire ones; It is from all this demonstrable, and this must flow from similar mis- that England has not produced the management. There is neither art penury and misery of Ireland, that nor mystery in the excellence of her capital could not remove them, Yorkshire hams. The things requi- and that their causes are to be found site for producing them are swine of amidst the Irish people. Having good breed, fattening with barley- traced these causes to the body, let meal, or pease,--and by curing with us extend the enquiry to individual the best fine salt, and salt-petre, character and conduct. without the villainous use, so dear The Irishman is not a man of buto Cockneys, of smoke. The inferi- siness—he is a vehement party man, ority of Irish hams seems to proceed, and he sacrifices the interests of his in a large degree, from bad, proba- country to those of his party or him

self. If the English landowners of a feeding Catholic frenzy and turbuparish or district, see that it will be- leuce. Abolish the forty shilling nefit them to enclose, drain, &c., they freeholds ?-It could not be thought without any parade procure an Act of, because it would affect the party of Parliament, and expend the re- strength of Protestant and Catholic. quisite capital. Thus, numberless Promote the spread of Protestantism? private bills continually pass the —The enormity called forth general Legislature, for improving and en- execration, because it was calculated riching English districts at the cost to injure the factious weapons of the of private individuals. The Irish Catholics. These leading Irishmen, in landowners can regard nothing so reality, cried,"Nothing will yield any minute as local advantage, or so benefit

, save Catholic Emancipation vulgar as practical objects; they —it is the only panacea for rackmust have some magnificent, im- rents, bad wages, excess of populapracticable generality-some socie- tion, starvation, barbarism, and fanaty for improving, or bill for drain- ticism: if you will not grant it, we ing, all Ireland at once on theory, are determined you shall do nothing which will require nothing from them for Ireland.” beyond florid speeches and petty While these men thus fiercely opsubscriptions. Those of a parish or posed all effectual measures for bedistrict may squabble, touching the nefiting their country, they servilely boundaries of worthless land, but as supported all which were calculated to their combining to make an out- to injure her. The commercial lay, in order to render such land changes which expelled her linens productive, it is out of the question. and provisions from some of the coThus, in those things which are of lonies, and exposed her provisions to the first importance towards impro- competition with those of foreign ving and enriching their country, countries in the home market, did her they will do nothing.

grievous injury; but they were beWhile the leading men of Ireland low the notice of Irish Members of will neither contrive nor expend for Parliament. She had a deeper inteher as private individuals, they act. rest in the old Corn Laws than even in a similar manner as public men. England, but her patriots in the LeThe Irish members of both Houses gislature could make no effort to prehave always been the most im- serve them. Her Parnells now seek becile, unpatriotic men in Parlia- to deprive her of the only markets she ment. On looking at their past his- possesses for agricultural productory, we find that they were con- tions. Honourable exceptions there stantly mutes, or party gladiators— were, but they were few and powerthat they never proposed any mea- less. The followers naturally imisure for the benefit of Ireland, which tated the heads. The manufacturers was not, in principle and object, one lauded the principles and policy which of factious politics. If they gave a they declare have ruined their trade. heart-rending description of Irish The farmers could look at nothing so wretchedness, what was their reme- free from faction and beneficial to dy? Catholic Emancipation, or some themselves as the Corn Laws. Tensimilar poisonous nostrum! Farther, ants disdained the selfishness of avoidthey furiously opposed all English ing ruin by voting for landlords. The Legislators and Ministers, who re- press would not condescend to notice commended efficient means of relief. Irish benefit, when it could not serve, Introduce poor laws? No, it touched or stood in the way of, Irish parties the pockets of the sham patriots; and factions. There was a Catholic this solitary Catholic sanctioned it, Question, and all Irishmen, high and therefore true Orangemen could not low, were resolved to make it, as far be other than its enemies; anti-Ca- as possible, the means of ruining tholics proposed it, and, of course, themselves and their country. Catholics could not do less than re- The same conduct is still pursued. gard it with detestation. Remove The mass of the landowners will not the surplus population ?-Monstrous yet supply Government with the idea ! it could not be done without means of forming an efficient magisweakening the Catholics, and dimi. tracy; or assist in restraining and renishing the want, so essential for forming their misguided countrymen. The landlord yet gives up his tenants and Irish labourers would be comto the demagogues and priests. The pelled to remain at home. If IreCatholic leaders and priests have got land should become independent, up another question of fury, disor- she would be placed on the footing ganization, convulsion, and ruin. of a foreign nation; and, as she can. Tenant is provoking the vengeance not compete with this country and of landlord; tradesman is destroying others, she would lose nearly all her trade, credit, and money ; labourer export trade: in importing, she would is annihilating employment and wa- be compelled to buy chiefly of this ges; and the people are extinguish- country, either openly or through ing, with all their

might, agriculture, smuggling. manufactures, and commerce. The Thus, the people of Ireland are inmen who stand aloof from faction, ficting on themselves every possible and really labour to benefit their injury, merely to compass that which country, are despised; and those is an impossibility, and which, if only are worshipped as patriots who compassed, would operate in the seek to bring on her every concei- most fatal manner against their agrivable calamity.

culture, manufactures, and comThe war which the people of Ire- merce-against the property of the land eternally wage against them capitalists, and the food of the laselves and their country has never

bourer. any valid remote object; it is one for But they cry, England must do the sake of war. In that against the something for them. What can she Catholic disabilities, they sacrificed do? The Subletting Act is complainthemselves to empty names; and, at ed of. Well, it was passed with the present, they are doing it to some- general concurrence of Irishmen as thing worse. If the Repeal Question an essential remedial measure. We could be carried, what would fol- always strongly called for it; but low? The absentees would be called we called at the same time for some home. This is not very probable, accompanying one to give employwhen many of them live in foreign ment or the means of emigration to countries, or are disabled in various the discharged peasantry. At the ways from living in Ireland: it would worst, it only produces temporary yield small benefit to manufactures evil in creating permanent good, and if the latter could not compete with the landowners may easily divest its British ones. But an Irish Parlia- operation of harshness. In proporment would give manufactures pro- tion as it may be weakened in effect, tecting duties. They would fall on the penury and wretchedness it was those of Britain, and the latter of intended to remove must be restored course would retaliate. Irish linens and perpetuated.* would be excluded from the markets Passing over minor matters, what, of Britain and her colonies; Irish we repeat, can England do? The corn, cattle, butter, and provisions, people of Ireland have opposed emiwould have duties placed on them, gration—they have opposed the inwhich would cause a loss in their troduction of poor-laws--they proprice and production, exceeding in bibit the entrance of British capiamount the rents of the absentees; tal--and not even the traitors can

• That which is called “ The Cottage System,” produced, under ample trial, such want and misery in Ireland, that a law was unanimously passed for the purpose of putting an end to it; yet people are advocating its establishment in England as a remedy for want and misery. That subdivision of land, which was found to be so ruinous to the labouring classes in Ireland, is called for as the means of giving abundance to these classes in England. Common reason might convince any person that if a labourer have a sufficiency of employment, he has no time to cultivate land of his own ; and, if he have not, the profits of an acre of land cannot yield much protection against want. Give to each labourer his acre or two, and it may yield a little present relief; but in a few years it will give to every parish twice as many labourers as it can employ, and then the Cottage System will be found more destructive to labourers than the pauper one. The things wanted, are a reduction in the supply of labour with reference to the demand, plenty of employment, and good wages ; the things for making them permanently unattainable, are the Cottage System, and subdivision of land.

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