be appropriated to the payment of public servants, will be placed upon another fund, and be subject to the revision of Parliament every year. This is, pro tanto, an advantage; and it is but fair to admit, that the whole statement of the Chancellor of the Exchequer on the subject was extremely candid, plain, and intelligible -he acknowledged the ignorance with which he formerly judged the matter, and the impossibility of the saving which he had thought practicable, and the only thing in which he seemed to fail, was in the courtesy of apologizing to those whom he had formerly opposed, for having ignorantly blamed what he did not understand.

"When," said the noble lord, "I first looked at the subject, I confess it seemed extraordinary, that, while the expense of all articles of consumption was so much decreased, the charge for the maintenance of the royal household had remained unabated; but, on examining the subject more minutely and accurately, I have arrived at the opinion, that a reduction cannot be made without compelling his Majesty either to alter his present state of living, or to incur debt. I am sure the House will not wish that either alternative took place." Mr Hunt, who talked with unexpected good sense and decency, rather pertinently remarked, that it appeared to him that the whole of the question before the House had been that night argued as if the people had nothing at all to do with the matter-as though it was a matter entirely between the Crown and the House-as though the House were to pay so much money out of their own pockets to the Crown, and that there was no such thing in this country as a people from whose hard earnings alone could the sums under discussion be drawn. We are no lovers of Mr Hunt's notions upon political arrangement or royal economy; but it is pleasant, in a matter of argument, to have the minds of noble lords and honourable gentlemen brought home to the real point in issue. Indeed, if his Majesty's Chancellor of the Exchequer would be pleased to condescend to a few lessons in practical logic, it might be a not unuseful addition to his present valuable ac

quirements, and it might save him the trouble of being prepared to assert that his Majesty could not live in his present style with a smaller allowance, unless he pursued a system of greater economy in all the departments of the royal household;" the argument on the other side being expressly, that such 66 a system of greater economy" was just and necessary. The affair of the pensions on the Civil List was managed with considerable adroitness, so as to afford a show of reduction, without interfering, in any the least degree, with the patronage of the Ministry in this department. The gross amount of the pensions (the reader may apply the adjective in the sense that seemeth unto him most fitting) is one hundred and forty-four thousand pounds, whereof sixty-nine thousand are taken away from the Civil List, and placed upon the Consolidated Fund, where they are not to be renewed, but expire with the persons who shall be unfortunate enough to die, having such snug allowances to make this life comfortable. But the remaining seventy-five thousand is to be left on the Civil List, and each pension to be renewable in one or more pensions to others, as the present holders drop off. Now this last list-the seventy-five thousand pounder-is all taken from the oldest pensions, and therefore such as would in all probability first drop in-if the pensions remained as they were, all that would fall in for some years to come would probably be among those which are retained for renewal, so that the Ministers lose no pensiongiving patronage, unless, indeed, they intend to live and hold their places for twenty years to come, which in these changeful times is rather improbable.

That portion of the radical faction which was inclined to look favourably upon a "reforming" Ministry, was much incensed at the deference to royalty and royal expenditure shewn in the Civil List debate; and in the city," where merchants most do congregate," many bitter words were put forth against the new government, which more recent circumstances have not caused them to retract. It is sometimes a grievous thing to have been popular. On the

7th, Lord King, in the Upper House, presented some petitions on the subject of tithes, and availed himself of the opportunity to introduce a discussion upon the subject, in which he displayed his accustomed coarseness, and habit of rude assertion, where, in general, some argument is expected; and gave notice of his intention to continue to speak in the same strain on the presentation of numerous additional petitions which were on their way to him. There were some Bishops spoke, but they said little to the purpose-the law lords, who might have answered Lord King, did not speak-probably they thought it not worth their while to encounter with such a wit as his Lordship possesses. It might, however, be well if the assertions he makes, with regard to Church property, and which may possibly make some impression on the public, were briefly exposed. When a man gets up to talk about" property" in an English House of Parliament, it is to be supposed that he means property according to the law of England, unless he make a proviso that he is not so to be understood. Now, Lord King talks a great deal about tithe property and church property, and if he mean by property that which the law contemplates as such, nothing can be more loose and erroneous than that which he lets fall. " I know," said he, "it is said that tithe is property, but it is very different in its nature from individual property; it is, for the most part, now the property of the Church, and the Church is the creature of the State; and its temporal concerns, its pay, and emoluments, might be regulated in any manner which the State might think proper to direct." All this is gross error, and mere vulgarity. "Individual" property, it is to be presumed, means the property of an individual. There are thousands of individuals whom the law recognises as having a property in tithes. Suppose it be granted that a Rector, as a corporation sole, holds by a tithe different from that of ordinary individuals, inasmuch as it goes to his successor, and not to his heir, still there are thousands of laymen the possessors of tithes which do descend to the heir, like any other part of the estate-what then becomes of the dif

ference in the individuality of this property which Lord King has discovered? It is not law, nor is it fact, that the Church is the creature of the State, using the word "creature," as Lord King evidently does, in the sense of a thing dependent upon, and subject to, the will of the State. Although we use the words "Church and State," in common discourse, it is a matter of almost universal knowledge that the Church is an integral part of the State, and if Lord King uses words so heedlessly as to mean by the State, the executive government for the time being, he still is wrong. The King or the Prime Minister is de facto the nominator of some one of the clerical body to each bishopric, but the authority ends with the appointment; and moreover, the Bishops are not the Church. What does Lord King mean by the "pay" of the Church? If the word means any thing, it must be a stipulated recompense for a specific service. There is no such thing with regard to tithes, or Church property -he says, this "pay" might be regulated in any manner which the State might think proper to direct. One cannot tell exactly of what he is speaking; but if he means Church revenues, and speaks of the law as it stands, he states the fact untrulyif he means that the legislature might enact laws to regulate the Church property, he utters a truism -every one knows that the legislature may dispose of the property of the Church, or of the property of Lord King, as it pleases; and if it began with the rectors, it is not very probable that it would long spare the right honourables.

We by no means wish to contend that the property of the Church of England is distributed as it ought to be; but the evils which prevail in this respect are not to be remedied by attacks on the property itself, founded in ignorance, and conducted with boisterous rudeness.

In the Commons, on the same evening, Mr Kenyon moved for a return of the quantity of uncultivated land in England and Wales, with a view of shewing that, if the poor were allowed to cultivate the land which lies waste, their distresses would be relieved, and they would be fed, through the labour of their own

hands. The motion was withdrawn, on the ground that, though the account would be " very interesting," it would be impossible to produce it. Such at least was the assurance of Mr Spring Rice, who added, that there was no officer to make out such a return, and no documents from which it could be compiled. It is, however, obvious that such information might be obtained, and a little of the public money might be well expended in procuring it. But it is, perhaps, too plain, too simple a mode of proceeding, to be tolerated by the scientific politicians of the present day. Men seem to delight in getting entangled in a maze of theories, and view with reluctance every simple proposition, from which the practical deduction is obvious. It is a truth so plain, that it comes into the mind with the readiness of knowledge derived from mere sensation, that there is no natural necessity for distress in this country, and that there is not only enough, but abundance for all, were it not for some pernicious defect which puts it out of the power of the people to use their labour for their own advantage. Land is uncultivated, while the people perish for want of that which, if the land were cultivated, it would produce, and they are ready and willing to cultivate it if they were permitted. Anomalies so monstrous exist around us in all directions, but we fear to look them in the face, because, were they publicly acknowledged, we see that we should of necessity immediately bestir ourselves, and do something, and make sacrifices of unused possessions. We therefore willingly hide our faces, and obscure our vision in the perplexing folds of the mantle of the political economists.

The discussion respecting the reduction of the Barilla duty, without the consent of Parliament, was renewed this evening on Mr Poulett Thompson's motion for going into committee. The right honourable gentleman's defence was a sufficiently good argumentum ad hominem, and effectual against the members of the late government, who, as it appeared, had fallen into a similarly unconstitutional practice; but upon the general question of the impropriety of such a proceeding, Mr Thompson's defence was of no force at all, and

serves but to shew the poor subterfuge which he was obliged to resort to, in order to cover the indiscretion into which his despotic vanity had led him. Mr Sadler in vain appealed to the justice and compassion of the House, assuring it, that the alterations already effected in the duty upon foreign Barilla, had " inflicted the deepest misery upon thousands" of the producers of the native manufacture. In vain Sir Matthew Ridley demonstrated the injury which would follow to the shipping interest, and gave all the weight of his long experience to the assertion, that the measure was one of the most pernicious ever submitted to the House. In vain Mr Attwood, whose knowledge upon all commercial matters is so superior to that of the Vice-President of the Board of Trade, assured the House, that the facts and arguments of the right honourable gentleman were utterly at variance with the practice. The "Philosophers" had their way-the misery of thousands of poor people-experience-practice-were all thrown overboard, and the resolutions passed without a division.

On the 8th, Lord King, in pursuance of his plan of warfare against the Church and the Clergy, read in the House of Lords a letter containing a gross attack on the son of the Bishop of Bath and Wells, his father being present. The reply of the Bishop was eminently becoming an affectionate father, and a prelate of the Church-he vindicated the character of his son, and trusted the noble lord would feel shame and sorrow for having brought forward so uncalled-for an attack. His Lordship arose and stated that he felt neither sorrow nor shame, though he admitted the excellent character of the clergyman against whom the letter was directed. The matter is worthy of notice for the sake of shewing the temper and behaviour of one of the champions of sweeping reform. How happy would society be under the guardianship and guidance of such men as Lord King!

The Commons were occupied during the greater part of this evening by the speeches of Mr Hunt, the member for Preston, and Mr Bennet, the member for Wiltshire, respecting the personal concern which they

destruction of the empire, but in this indignation there is more of sentimentality than good sense. The sword is, no doubt, a dreadful alternative, but there is more mercy in restoring and establishing order, even by force and severity, than in permitting a perpetual state of public disturbance, and all the evils of civil war, except corporeal wounds and death.

On the 11th, Lord King, to whom must be conceded the possession of an unrivalled fund of sneering vituperation, proceeded with his attack upon the Church Establishment, and on this occasion received from Lords Winchelsea and Wynford a measure of castigation, which will tell with the public, whether it have or have not any effect upon a person of Lord King's understanding and feelings. Lord Wynford, especially, held up, in so strong a light, as must bring conviction to every mind, the meanness and the unfairness with which, night after night, advantage was taken of the absence of individuals, in order to calumniate them or their connexions." If," he said, "the noble baron had any particular grievance to complain of, and a remedy for it to propose, why did he not bring it regularly before the House, with notice to the parties concerned? but he had come down, night after night, attacking the right reverend Prelates, in defiance of every principle of English justice, which ordains that he whose character is to be attacked, should previously be warned of the charge. The noble lord had thought proper to attack Lord Stowell, though he was absent from the infirmities of age, and though his brother, Lord Eldon, was prevented by illness from being present to defend him. Did the noble lord not know of the absence of both these noble and learned lords? and if he did, was this a time to bring forward such a charge, without a single friend of Lord Stowell being apprized of his intention? But it was fortunate for the noble and learned lord that the

whole complexion of his life was a contradiction to a charge, which, were he in his place to reply to, he would answer in such a manner as the noble baron could not stand under."

The President of the Council (Lord Lansdowne) recorded his opiǹion, that a little "fair dealing" would be advisable in the House, and the Duke of Buckingham contended that the right of the Church to its property was as strong as that of any noble lord to his estate.

The proceedings of the House of Commons this evening were distinguished by an unsuccessful attempt on the part of Mr Hume to speak. It will not be supposed that any sudden fit of bashfulness overcame the modest member for Middlesex, or that his feelings overpowered him and deprived him of utterance. No, no-it took a power no less than that which overthrew Napoleon in the North, to stop the mouth of Joseph Hume-his voice was frozen up,

"Vox faucibus hæsit."

Baffled by a thawing world, the cold transferred its empire to the throat of the member for Middlesex, as the next in magnitude of importance. Thrice the honourable member essayed to speak, and thrice, (tell it not in Aberdeen, and whisper it not in the streets of Brechin,) amid peals of universal laughter, his attempt turned out mere dumb shew. Mr Hunt sang a lament over his friend's misfortune and the barbarity of the House; and the member for Middlesex went home, to take warm gruel, and expel the enemy from his throat. Gaol business in Wiltshire, and in the city of Dublin, occupied the most part of the evening.

Friday night, the 11th, was devoted to the discussion of the important financial plans of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, which created a degree of curiosity and deep interest, unusual in these modern days, and yet not more than proportioned to the occasion which called them forth. In England, where, it is said, "every thing resolves itself into a matter of finance," the measures of the Chancellor of the Exchequer are doubtless the most seriously interesting that can come before the public; but as the fear of evil is a more exciting principle than the prospect of good, it is always the imposition of new imposts, rather than the repeal of the old, which rouses attention, and calls forth activity. Lord Althorpe got on swimmingly, increasing in