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we can only say, that we are now sitting with a gentleman, who drove through the Champs Elysées, late on that identical evening, and he now informs us that never did he behold a more gay or lively scene. Never, during a long residence in France, did he see the promenade more thronged with carriages, horses, and pedestrians.

In the next chapter, we come to the beginning of the tumults; and here it is, that the statement being more precise, we more easily discover the egregious mistakes into which Mr Turnbull has suffered himself to be led.

As a specimen, we give the statement of the royal preparations for putting down the rising of the people:

"While the representatives of the peo. ple, and the occupants of the judgmentseat, were thus discharging the high functions confided to them, in a manner so honourable to their integrity and independence, the capital and its environs were every instant assuming a more threatening and alarming aspect. It was already known that the command of the troops of the garrison, consisting of 12,000 men of the royal French and Swiss Guard, the 5th, 50th, and 53d regiments of the line, the 15th regiment of light horse, and a formidable train of artillery, had been placed under the command of the Marshal Marmont, Duke of Ragusa."

We have already given the statement of the Staff-Officer, who, on this point, could not mistake, and who, we will venture to say, neither wished nor dared to falsify. By the comparison of the two accounts, if we calculate each of the regiments of the line mentioned by Mr Turnbull at 1100 men, we shall find that, including the Guards, according to his statement of their number, he overrates the garrison by nearly 4000 men, besides one whole regiment of cavalry. Some deductions also must surely be made from " a formidable train of artillery," when reduced to eight guns, and four howitzers which were never used. On this chapter, which ends with the famous Marseillois Hymn, we shall only make one farther observation, namely, that if the new Sovereign have, as stated by Mr Turnbull, granted a pension to the composer of that song, who dared to call the good, the mild, the

benevolent Louis XVI. a " Despote Sanguinaire," we shall deeply lament, that to fawn upon a faction, Louis Philippe has sacrificed all title to respect.

In the next chapter, we shall select one or two of the passages which are formally contradicted by the account of the Staff-Officer, on points where his authority must be considered paramount. In the first instance, Mr Turnbull states, that—

"Towards eight o'clock on Wednesday morning, the scene of strife had become general in all those quarters of the town which, during the previous night, had been occupied by the royal forces."

As we have seen, the Staff-Officer declares, that at eight o'clock the troops were quiet in their barracks.

Again, we find the following account of the march of the troops to the Place de la Bastille :

"At that moment the report of musketry, at the distance of two hundred paces, announced that an engagement had commenced under the eyes of the observer. He could perceive decided symptoms of commotion in all the neighbouring lines which opened into the boulevard. The cry was then heard of Fermez vos fenêtres!' and at the same instant a strong body of troops made their appearance, marching in close column the whole breadth of the boulevard, and in double quick time. The column was preceded by a party of tirailleurs, who fired as they advanced, sometimes in the air to clear the way on their approach, and sometimes at the windows, from the fear, no doubt, lest, if open, the inhabitants should fire from them on the troops. The jalousés, or outer window-blinds of the old man's

chamber, had been left open; and as they were fastened to the wall, he was quite unable to rise for the purpose of closing them. A soldier of the Royal Guard, mistaking perhaps the crutches which stood by him for some instrument of offence, presented his piece at the window, and fired, but missed his object. A regithere followed a squadron of lancers, with ment of infantry having thus passed,

a detachment of cuirassiers, and several

pieces of artillery. They were all of the Royal Guard, horse as well as foot, and amounted, by the observer's estimate, to some two thousand men. They took up their position on the Place de la Bastille, and had scarcely arrived there when the sound of musketry, first in files, and afterwards in platoons, announced that the progress of the troops had been opposed.

In so open a space, and under such circumstances, opposition on the part of the inhabitants was an unjustifiable act of temerity. After considerable loss on both sides, they were soon obliged to retire before the column, which then advanced as far as the angle, formed by the carrefour de Reuilly. There the troops of the guard received a reinforcement of a battalion of infantry, and two additional pieces of cannon, from the garrison at Vincennes."

The whole forces here magnified to a host, we find, by the Officer's account, to have consisted of 529 men, and two guns.

The next information we derive from Mr Turnbull, is as follows:

"The inhabitants of Paris had been suffering all the horrors of a siege long before the appearance of the edict by which it was declared. Its preparation was perhaps called for by the Duke of Ragusa, as his warrant for assuming the command of the troops, and entering the city at their head. This he did at ten o'clock on Wednesday morning. The column under his immediate command consisted of six thousand men and eight pieces of cannon. He entered the city by the quays on the left bank of the Seine, ascended that side of the river, took possession of the Pont Neuf, and ordered an attack on the Hotel de Ville, which was at that time occupied

by the National Guards.

"But in marching along the quays, the troops were still exposed on one side to the attacks of the citizens, who did not hesitate to fire on this strong body of men, from the windows of their houses, and from behind the parapets, which occur in various parts of the route. It is said, however, that the men, who had just arrived from Sèvres, in the neighbourhood of Saint Cloud, had there received every species of excitement to the performance of their murderous task. They had been passed in review by the Duke d'Angoulême, who had caused a distribution of money, wine, and brandy, to be made among them. The money was given in the proportion of thirty, forty, and fifty francs a man, to the privates of the Foot Guards, the Swiss, and the Lancers, respectively. Crosses of the Legion of Honour were promised to the officers, and were actually bestowed on them in great profusion, before the departure of the royal family for Rambouillet,

"But to return from this digression to the scene of operations on the Boulevards. At the head of the Rue Montmartre, an affair took place in which Marmont commanded in person. During some part of the day, the Place des

Victoires had been occupied by troops, part of whom, consisting of a detachment of the line, had been observed to fraternize with the post of National Guards esta blished at the Petits-Peres. About two o'clock, the Marshal made his appearance on the Place des Victoires, at the head of fresh troops. These he placed in observation at the openings of the Rue de Mail, the Rue des Fosses Montmartre, the Rue Croix des Petits-Champs, and the Rue Neuve des Petits-Champs. A charge was

then ordered, which produced a great

number of casualties on the side of the troops, as well as of the people. The detachment placed in the Rue de Mail was led by Marmont in person, He entered the Rue Montmartre, and traversed some portion of it without much opposition; but having advanced as far as the Rue Joquelet, the resistance offered by the citizens became so obstinate, and was attended with so much effect, that the Marshal and those under his command found it necessary to fall back on their former position in the Place des Victoires."

This is as fine a piece of imaginary history as we remember to have met with. That it is entirely imaginary, the reader may at once convince himself, by looking over the evidence given before the Chamber of Peers, by Monsieur de Romierouski, Marmont's aide-de-camp, by which he will find that the Duke de Ragusa entered Paris on the Tuesday, not on the Wednesday,—alone, not accompanied by six thousand men ; and that, instead of marching up the quays to the Pont Neuf, and ordering an attack on the Hotel de Ville, he drove, in his carriage, up the Boulevards, and walked into Monsieur de Polignac's. Then, if the reader will turn to page 43 of the Staff-Officer's account, he will meet with a complete contradiction to the absurd report of the Duke of Ragusa having headed the troops himself in their conflicts with the people. He never quitted his head-quarters, except for the purpose of visiting the posts at the Bank and the Palais Royal, which, to use the words of the Staff-Officer-he did, "accompanied by three aides-de-camp, and the usual escort; but his passage even make any difference in the position of the troops." Mr Turnbull, however, yields the Marshal the honour of many a well-fought battle in the streets of Paris; and we hear of his marching here, and counter

did not

marching there, with a promptitude and precision which would have delighted Major Sturgeon, had that respectable and ever-to-be-lamented officer been now alive.

Perhaps these instances of egregious error might be sufficient to give the work at once its due place; but we must notice one more passage, which fairly outdoes all its fellows. This refers to the taking of the Hotel de Ville, and we cannot refrain from giving it at length.

"As the Hotel de Ville was a position of considerable importance, the Place de Grève, and the other avenues which lead to it, became the scene of several bloody engagements. In the course of Wednesday, the 28th, the town-hall had been taken and retaken, perhaps ten or twelve different times, by the National Guard and the citizens on the one hand, and the regular troops on the other; and, as the

resistance was as obstinate as the attack

was courageous, the struggle was necessarily attended with a dreadful slaughter. When the people were the assailants, they rushed out from a number of points on the Arcade Saint Jean, the streets De la Tixeranderie and De Moûton, the iron bridge, and the adjoining quays. The importance of this central point was felt on all sides, from the great moral influence it would give to the insurgents, through the establishment of a provisional government. Every effort was, in consequence, employed for securing its permanent possession; but, by turns, the chances were favourable and unfavourable to the popular cause. It was nightfall when the firing was interrupted, and then only to be begun again at an early hour on Thursday morning. So many efforts of heroism were crowned at length with complete success. Tired out and disheartened by the constant renewal of the masses opposed to them, the royalist forces were finally forced to evacuate this dangerous post; and there also floated the victorious colours of the nation."

We have but one little sentence to place against this; but that, with the touch of an enchanter's wand, dissolves this mighty fabric into "thin air."

"It is now indisputable," says the Officer who commanded in the Hotel de Ville, speaking in the face of all his fellow-countrymen-" It is now indisputable, that this edifice was not, during the whole of the 28th, retaken by the people; and after it had been evacuated at midnight by the Guards,

it remained unoccupied and deserted till the morning of the 29th."

"Ten or eleven times!!!" says Mr Turnbull. Not once! says the eye-witness. "Utrum horum mavis?" But this to us is quite sufficient; and we shall say no more in regard to the accuracy of " Paris in 1830."

We must again repeat, that we have no doubt whatever that Mr Turnbull believes every word which he has written; and judging from the date and several other passages of his preface, we are led to suppose that he lives in Paris, in the midst of scenes where passions have not yet subsided, and where facts are very slowly becoming divested of the exaggerations with which they have been obscured.

He states, also, that dispatch has been solicited of him in the composition of his work; and this, of course, has prevented him from accurately investigating every particular, ere he placed it on paper. We are sorry for it, for his own sake; for this book will not do him credit; and he will have much wherewith to reproach those, who have so hurried him with a work which would have required time and long investigation to have accomplished it properly. He does not want ability, and we hope to see something yet from his pen, very far superior to the production before us. Let us warn him, however, against a certain bad taste which he has caught from the most disagreeable class of French writers. All his anecdotes of heroic bakers, and generous printers, and independent blacksmiths, and disinterested Jews, are of this cast, as well as the details of patriotic lasses, and selfdevoted midwives; but the worst of all is the tale of Dr Fabré Palaprat. This gentleman, roaming through the streets of Paris, seeking whom he might cure, encountered the ugliest man imaginable, armed with a bloody sword, who fell down at his feet through pure inanition, and a wound in his left leg. The Doctor tended him, dressed his wound, and offered him a five franc piece to get some dinner; but so magnanimous was the ugly man with the wounded leg, that he started up, and nearly sabred the good Samaritan, for talking of money and dinner to a Parisian revolutionist!!! So infinitely edified was the

Doctor with this attempt to sabre him, that he threw himself on the neck of the ugly man with the gunpowder face, and wept with admiration. If Mr Turnbull fancies that such tales are calculated to promote any thing but laughter, he is mistaken.

Though we cannot, as we proposed at first, go through each chapter separately, let us remark, that the best of the book consists in two sketches of Lafayette and Louis Philippe, which are given with some spirit. Let Mr Turnbull choose a favourable subject, consider it dispassionately, and add to the sincere desire of truth, which we doubt not he possesses, the spirit of calm and patient investigation, which is absolutely necessary to find it; let him beware of spending high-sounding language on trifles, and of striving for enthusiasm where enthusiasm is not applicable, and we doubt not that we shall see from his hand, something which may distinguish him from the crowd, instead of a book that is of no service to the public, and no credit to himself.

did not affect either the King of Rome, or the Duke of Bordeaux. Thus, when Louis Philippe, Charles X., and the Duke of Angouleme, shall have gone to that place whither Napoleon has preceded them, three young competitors will exist for the often contested throne of France, all three claiming by hereditary right alone-Time, the great hazard player, must decide the chances.

On the conduct of Charles X., there can be but little difference of opinion. With the best wishes for the good of his people, and with the fatal consequences of his brother's (Louis XVI.) mildness before his eyes, he thought to stem the tide of Revolution, which was overwhelming France, by a violent and ill-timed exertion of authority. It may be a question, whether, if he had refrained, he would have been still on the throne or not. Perhaps, when the revolutionary faction had thrown off its disguise, and stood forth in all the hideousness of its anarchical features, the good and moderate, at length undeceived, might have rallied round the throne, and protected the monarch from the In regard to the late Revolution, insidious monster that had glided we must add one or two words: forward with a thousand convoluLet us first remark, that it is an ex- tions, till it was ready to envelope traordinary fact that Napoleon-who him in its serpent folds. Perhaps held the crown of France by the same their aid would have come too late, rights as Louis Philippe, that is to say, and he might still have succumbed; by the choice of the people, called but in either case, had he refrained forth by the necessity of the moment till the first blow was struck by his -abdicated exactly upon the same enemy, he would have had right and conditions as Charles X., that is to justice on his side. Had he triumphsay, provided the nation would re-ed, he would have triumphed with ceive his heir. In both instances the the dignity of moderation; and had condition was rejected; and, conse- he fallen, he would have received quently, the abdication, as a volun- present sympathy and ultimate retary act, was null. At all events, it dress.

*Since writing these pages, a considerable body of evidence has appeared, given in the trial of the ex-ministers. This in every respect corroborates the testimony of the Staff-Officer, and justifies our opinion of the two works under our notice.

DR PARR AND HIS CONTEMPORARIES.*

THE time is come when, without offence, the truth may be spoken of Dr Parr. Standing by the side of the grave, men's eyes, as it were, fastened upon the very coffin of an excellent person, all literary people under any restraint of honourable feelingsall writers who have trained themselves to habits of liberal sympathy and of generous forbearanceevery body, in short, but the very rash or very juvenile, the intemperate or malignant-put a seal upon their lips. Grief, and the passionate exaggerations of grief, have a title to indulgent consideration, which, in the upper walks of literature, is not often infringed; amongst polished Tories, amongst the coterie of this journal, we may say never. On this principle it was that we prescribed to ourselves most willingly a duty of absolute silence at the time of Dr Parr's death, and through the years immediately succeeding. The sorrow of his numerous friends was then keen and raw. For a warm-hearted man-and Dr Parr was such-there is an answerable warmth of regret. Errors and indiscretions are forgotten; virtues are brought forward into high relief; talents and accomplishments magnified beyond all proportions of truth. These extravagancies are even graceful and becoming under the immediate impulses which prompt them; and for a season they are, and ought to be, endured. But this season has its limits. Within those limits the rule is-De mortuis nil nisi bonum. Beyond them, and when the privilege of recent death can no longer be sustained, this rule gives way to another-De mortuis nil nisi verum et probabiliter demonstratum. This canon has now taken effect with regard to Dr Parr. The sanctities of private grief have been sufficiently respected, because the

grief itself has submitted to the mitigation of time. Enough has been conceded to the intemperance of sorrowing friendship: the time has now arrived for the dispassionate appreciation of equity and unbiassed judgment.

Eighteen years have passed away since we first set eyes upon Dr Samuel Parr. Off and on through the nine or ten years preceding, we had heard him casually mentioned in Oxford, but not for any good. In most cases, the anecdote which brought up his name was some pointless parody of a Sam-Johnsonian increpation, some Drury-Lane counterfeit of the true Jovian thunderbolts:

Demens qui nimbos et non imitabile fulmen

Ære et cornipedum sonitu simularet equorum.

In no instance that we recollect had there appeared any felicity in these colloquial fulminations of Dr Parr. With an unlimited license of personal invective, and with an extravagance of brutality not credible, except in the case of one who happened to be protected by age and by his petticoats,-consequently with one power more than other people enjoy, who submit themselves to the restraints of courtesy, and to the decencies of social intercourse,-the Doctor had yet made nothing of his extra privilege, nor had so much as once attained a distinguished success.

There was labour, indeed, and effort enough, preparation without end, and most tortuous circumgyration of periods; but from all this sonorous smithery of hard words in osity and ation, nothing emergedno wrought massy product-but simply a voluminous smoke. Such had been the fortune, whether fairly representing the general case or not,

* The Works of Samuel Parr, LL.D. with Memoirs of his Life and Writings, and a Selection from his Correspondence. By John Johnstone, M.D. In 8 vols. London: 1828.

Memoirs of the Life, Writings, and Opinions of the Rev. Samuel Parr, LL.D. With Biographical Notices of many of his Friends, Pupils, and Contemporaries. By the Rev. William Field. In 2 vols. London: 1828.

Parriana; or Notices of the Rev. Samuel Parr, LL.D. By E. H. Barker, Esq. London; 1828.

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