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to majority and minority of population. Yet the classes, interests, property, and rights of the Protestants are to be deprived almost wholly of representatives, on the pretext-oh! shame on the incapacity and criminality that it is necessary for giving proper representation to every part of the people.

What are the Catholic electors? Men in the mass hostile to the rights, property, religion, and even existence of the Protestants. What are they in general moral qualification? Men in the body slaves to priests and demagogues, turbulent, disaffected, and clamorous for the dismemberment of the empire.

When this is notorious, and when the influence of landlords and property is already destroyed, not a single effort is made to give representatives to the upper classes, Protestants, property, agriculture, and trade. In Ireland, no interest must have representatives save that of Catholicism-no part of the people must have them, except Catholic priests and demagogues.

What is pleaded in defence of this monstrous folly and guilt? The will of the people, forsooth! What people? They are all comprehended in the redoubtable O'Connell. Are not the Protestants part of the people? Do not the landowners, manufacturers, and merchants, belong to the people? No, replies the plan, quite the contrary. If Earl Grey can no longer discharge his duty and exercise the independence which has hitherto been the right of the Prime Minister of England, let him at least cease to act the slave; let him surrender his office to the dictative demagogue. The most imperious state necessity at this moment exists for confining power as far as possible to the Protestants, and attaching them in the utmost degree to England; in the teeth of it, here is a measure for stripping them of power, and forcing them into the ranks of traitors.

It must be remembered, that for some time, Irish elections have turned on the war between the aristocracy and democracy-that the former is completely beaten-and that Irish members will be elected on furious democratic doctrines, and sent to inflame and aid the democratic party of Britain.

Looked at especially with reference to this, as well as on other grounds, the annihilation of so many English members by the plan is exceedingly reprehensible. While Ministers affect anxiety to divide power fairly, and give the preponderance to the right side, they first destroy a large number of Protestant representatives, and add greatly to those of the Catholics: in the first moment they take from the Protestants perhaps eighty members; or what would probably be equal, in a division of the House, to one hundred. Then they almost wholly deprive the Irish aristocracy and landed interest of representatives, and throw the latter into the British scale of democracy. It is said, and in the nature of things it must be true, that in Scotland, many members will be transferred from the side of the aristocracy and landed interest to the other. By changes amidst the Irish and Scotch members, Ministers create amidst the English ones a preponderance against the aristocracy and landed interest, when they assert that they do the contrary.

The immediate abolition of all the small boroughs deserves strong reprobation; it is at variance with constitutional practice, and calculated to produce serious evils. Had they been abolished gradually,-for example, had eight chosen by lot been struck off at each election, the change would have been little felt, and evil might have received timely remedy. The alteration could have been duly watched, checked and guided; and it would, before reaching any material height, have given time for the bad feelings of the country to evaporate. Lord Brougham's treatment of those who have advised gradual change, proves nothing except that a Lord Chancellor may be an excessively vulgar, ill-natured person-a man really knowing little of the constitution, and prone to use, in his own language, most "shallow" and "silly" reasoning.

The eternal assertions of the eulogists of the plan, that it is based solely on property, call for some remark: It is very true that every elector must possess a little, and it is equally so that this will not give the body of town electors the least interest in the protection of property

in general. This body will consist of men who imagine that they have a deep interest in the destruction of general property. With two or three exceptions, the various masses of property will be destitute of representatives, and have the House of Commons hostile to them. Could any thing be more preposterous than to make a man an elector who is known to be the enemy of agricultural, manufacturing, mercantile, colonial, funded, and ecclesiastical property; and then to cry-Oh, he will be sure to be its champion, because he possesses some twenty or thirty pounds in old furniture!

It has been alleged against the plan, that it is grossly partial in favour of Whig boroughs; the charge has been supported by sturdy arithmetic, and only met by vague assertion. If it be true, the Durhams, Howicks, or other parents of the plan, deserve to have applied to them every epithet of indignation and scorn that language can furnish: I say not that it is so, but at any rate, it has not yet been refuted.

After having spoken thus of the errors and defects of the plan, it is my duty to say that I warmly approve of a large portion of it. I deeply regret that so much of what is wise and valuable, is vitiated by what is, in the main, omission, rather than bad provision; I regret it the more, because I am confident, that if the plan contained every thing necessary, it would have been as popular with the reformers as it is. I concur in its principle in so far as it is to abolish rotten boroughs, and vicious nomination, and prevent aristocratic control in the House of Commons; but I can go no farther, and I contend that this was all the honest part of the reformers called for.

This is called an age of knowledge: "The people overflow with knowledge!" cries the Ministry. Good; but what is the kind? A change infinitely more comprehensive and perilous than any ever witnessed by the present generation, is proposed, and how is it received ? In the first place, doubtlessly, the leading authorities of the realm are acting touching it with the most scrupulous regard to duty?

Ministers, in contempt of the solemn obligations which rest on their

Royal Master, are degrading him into a leader of party and faction— they are divesting him of his proper legislative character, and deposing him into an instrument of their own

they are using him to influence Parliament and elections, to strip the Legislature of its deliberative powers, and to constitute themselves in reality the Three Estates of the Realm-they are plunging him into aggressive conflict with the better part of his subjects, and compelling him to head the democracy in its destructive war against institutions, property, and the aristocracy. And this is knowledge!

Ministers are suffering their Press to advocate this change by foul scurrilities, revolutionary doctrines, and criminal appeals to the passions and prejudices of the multitude. They are actually or virtually declaring that institutions and laws ought to be altered to suit the popular will, without reference to its character-that the property, rights, and privileges of the minority ought to be sacrificed to the knavery, caprice, and usurpation of the majority-and that the House of Commons ought to be the instrument of popular tyranny, for enabling it to be both the Legislature and Executive.

And this is knowledge!

But perhaps the all-knowing and scientific people are acting differently? Instead of examining this change impartially and dispassionately, separating the bad from the good, and calling for the necessary improvements; they are in raptures with it without examination, because it is one, and will rob and oppress them selves. It is an all-perfect change, because it will divest the House of Commons of independence, impartiality, talent, wisdom, and experience; and make it the slave of popular frenzy and delusion. It is an admirable change, because it will strip the Crown and Aristocracy of their just and necessary power. It is a magnificent change, because it will confiscate general property, ruin every interest in detail, beat down the Church and Protestantism, deny representation to a vast part of the people, and give ascendency to a godless, profligate, anti-English, revolutionary faction.

And this is knowledge!

The people overflow with know

ledge-good, but what is the harvest? The overflow has converted the pupil into the teacher; the people-the omniscient ingrates!—are actually inflicting lesson and birch on the "schoolmaster!" They are broadly intimating, that, on most matters, Lord Chancellor Brougham and Lord Advocate Jeffrey are about as ignorant and bigoted as Lord Eldon and Sir C. Wetherell. They feel as much contempt for Whig, as for Tory knowledge.

Again, I say, what is the harvest? Lord J. Russell-himself a weaver and retailer of knowledge-declares, that the people have cast off the influence of their natural leaders, and formed themselves into clubs of alarming character. Ministers assert, that if the Reform Bill be rejected by the due working of the constitution and laws, they will cause convulsion and revolution. A ministerial print gravely avowed, that the stack-burnings were produced by increase of knowledge amidst husbandry labourers. The influence of property and connexion of class, are to be destroyed-the laws are to be scorned and violated-the multitude is to dictate to the Crown and Legislature-property is to be deprived of protection, and confiscated-incendiaries are to abound-institutions are to be overthrown-and the empire is to be kept in constant danger of rebellion, anarchy, and fall.

On the assurances of the knowledge-manufacturers, and statesmen by profession and monopoly, these are the legitimate and necessary fruits of knowledge.

If such knowledge be not suppressed, no plan of Reform can save the empire. It is idle to speak of Reform if this fatal strife between aristocrat and democrat be not terminated. I charge it on the Whigs. Almost ever since Lord Brougham first intermeddled with public life, he and his confederates have incessantly laboured to change the wholesome war between Whig and Tory, into one between democrat and aristocrat, servant and master, poor and rich; and they have been triumphantly successful. This, aided as it has been by the incapacity and want of integrity of the Tories, has broke up old creeds and parties. Public men have been so divided, mixed, and confounded, that each has chanVOL. XXIX. NO. CLXXX.

ged his sentiments and associates; and the chaos amidst them, has produced the same chaos amidst the population at large. The war of class has put down that of party-the extinction of that creed has supplied ground for that of revolution; and both have freed the lower orders from control and moral restraint.

I conceive that we must have Whigs and Tories, or democrats and aristocrats, the beneficial strife of party, or destructive one of class. Farther, I am convinced that on the existence, division, equipoise, and conduct of the two great constitutional parties, every thing dear to the empire depends; and that without them the constitution, freedom, the balance of the three estates, and the distribution of power in respect of class, would be little more than worthless names. My judgment tells me that their incorporation, or the extinction of either, would create a tyranny of the most hateful kind, or a democratic faction which would soon overturn the monarchy. Feeling therefore, as I do, that they form the soul of the constitution, I feel that to protect it, I must protect them in their proper shape and power; of course I must have a plan of reform which will give them such protection.

The Ministry's plan evidently wishes to perpetuate the war of class, and substitute it for that of party in the Legislature. It must incorporate these parties, or keep one of them, so far as regards effective power, constantly excluded from the House of Commons, in favour of a ruinous democratic faction. I therefore am strongly opposed to it.

I speak for the private benefit of no party; I have nothing to do with Whigs or Tories, and what I have said concerns the one as much as the other. If I could degrade myself into a mere partisan, I trust I should be sufficiently a friend to the liberties of my country to seek no more for my party than a moderate majority. I warmly urge my fellow-subjects of all ranks to examine this plan carefully and dispassionately on its merits, like men of knowledge and understanding-like enlightened freemen; and not to let their party-feelings lead them into ruin and slavery. I am, sir, &c. &c.

AN ENGLISH FREEHOLDER.
3 F

PASSAGES FROM THE DIARY OF A LATE PHYSICIAN,

CHAP. IX.

The Statesman.

AMBITION-Its sweets and bitters -its splendid miseries-its wrinkling cares-its wasting agonies-its triumphs and downfalls-who has not, in some degree, known and felt them? Moralists, Historians, and Novelists, have filled libraries in picturing their dreary and dazzling details; and yet Ambition's votaries, or rather victims, are as numerous, as enthusiastic, as ever!-Such is the mounting quality existing in almost every one's breast, that no "Pelion upon Ossa" heapings, and accumulations of facts and lessons, can keep it down. Though I fully feel the truth of this remark, vain and futile though the attempt may prove, I cannot resist the inclination to contribute my mite towards the vast memorials of Ambition's martyrs!

My specific purpose, in first making the notes from which the ensuing narrative is taken, and in now presenting it to the public-in thus pointing to the spectacle of a sun suddenly and disastrously eclipsed while blazing at its zenith-is this: To shew the steps by which a really great mind-an eager and impetuous spirit-was voluntarily sacrificed at the shrine of political ambition; foregoing, nay, despising, the substantial joys and comforts of elegant privacy, and persisting, even to destruction, in its frantic efforts to bear up against, and grapple with cares too mighty for the mind of man. It is a solemn lesson, imprinted on my memory in great and glaring characters; and if I do but succeed in bringing a few of them before the reader, they may at least serve to check extravagant expectations, by disclosing the misery which often lies cankering behind the most splendid popularity. If I should be found inaccurate in my use of political technicalities and allusions, the

reader will be pleased to overlook it, on the score of my profession.

I recollect, when I was at Cambridge, overhearing some men of my college talk about the "splendid talents of young Stafford,"* who had lately become a member of hall; and they said so much about the 66 great hit" he had made in his recent debut at one of the debating societies-which then flourished in considerable numbers-that I resolved to take the earliest opportunity of going to hear and judge for myself. That was soon afforded me. Though not a member of the society, I gained admission through a friend. The room was crammed to the very door; and I was not long in discovering the "star of the evening" in the person of a young fellow-commoner, of careless and even slovenly appearance. The first glimpse of his features disposed me to believe all I had heard in his favour. There was no sitting for effect; nothing artificial about his demeanour-no careful carelessness of attitude-no knitting of the brows, or painful straining of the eyes, to look brilliant or acute! The mere absence of all these little conceits and fooleries, so often disfiguring "talented young speakers," went, in my estimation, to the account of his superiority. His face was "sicklied o'er with the pale cast of thought," and its lineaments very deeply and strongly marked. There was a wondrous power and fire in the eyes, which gleamed with restless energy whichever way he looked. They were neither large nor prominent-but all soul-all expression. It was startling to find their glance suddenly settled on one. His forehead, as much as I saw of it, was knotted and expansive. There was a prevailing air of anxiety about his

It can hardly be necessary, I presume, to reiterate, that whatever names individuals

are indicated by in these papers, are fictitious.

travagance and exaggeration. Some of his " facts" were preposterously incorrect, and his inferences false; but there was such a prodigious power of language-such a blaze of

The excitement into which this young man's "first appearance" had thrown me, kept me awake the greater part of the night; and I well recollect feeling a transient fit of disinclination for the dull and sombre profession of medicine, for which I was destined. That evening's display warranted my indulging large and high expectations of the future

worn features-young as he was, about 21-as if his mind were every instant hard at work, which an inaccurate observer might have set down to the score of ill-nature, especially when coupled with the matter-of-fancy-such a stretch and grasp of fact unsmiling nods of recognition, thought-and such casuistical dexwith which he returned the polite terity evinced throughout, as indiinclinations of those who passed cated the presence of first-rate capahim. To me, sitting watching him, bilities. He concluded amid a storm it seemed as though his mind were of applause; and before his enthuof too intense and energetic a cha- siastic auditors, whispering together racter to have any sympathies with their surprise and admiration, could the small matters transpiring around observe his motions, he had slipped him. I knew his demeanour was away and left the room. simple, unaffected, genuine, and it was refreshing to see it. It predisposed me to like him, if only for being free from the ridiculous airs assumed by some with whom I associated. He allowed five or six speakers to address the society, without making notes, or joining in the noisy exclamations and interruptions of those around him. At length he rose amid perfect silence-eminence of young Stafford; but I the silence of expectant criticism whetted by rivalry. He seemed at first a little flustered, and for about five minutes spoke hesitatingly and somewhat unconnectedly-with the air of a man who does not know exactly how to get at his subject, which yet he is conscious of having thoroughly mastered. At length, however, the current ran smooth, and gradually widened and swelled into such a stream-a torrent of real eloquence-as I never before or since heard poured from the lips of a young speaker-or possibly any speaker whatsoever, except himself in after life. He seemed long disinclined to enhance the effect of what he was uttering by oratorical gesture. His hands both grasped his cap, which ere long was compressed, twisted, and crushed out of all shape; but as he warmed, he laid it down, and used his arms, the levers of elo. quence, with the grace and energy of a natural orator. The effect he produced was prodigious. We were all carried away with him, as if by whirlwind force. As for myself, I felt for the first time convinced that oratory such as that could persuade me to any thing. As might have been expected, his speech was fraught with the faults incident to youth and inexperience, and was pervaded with a glaring hue of ex

hardly went so far as to think of once seeing him Secretary of State, and leader of the British House of Commons. Accident soon afterwards introduced me to him, at the supper-table of a mutual friend. I found him distinguished as well by that simplicity and frankness ever attending the consciousness of real greatness, as by the recklessness, irritability, impetuosity of one, aware that he is far superior to those around him, and in possession of that species of talent which is appreciable by all-of those rare powers which ensure a man the command over his fellows-keen and bitter sarcasmand extraordinary readiness of repartee. Then, again, all his predilections were political. He utterly disregarded the popular pursuits at college. Whatever he said, read, or thought, had reference to his "ruling passion"-and that not by fits and starts, under the arbitrary impulses of rivalry or enthusiasm, but steadily and systematically. I knew from himself, that, before his twentythird year, he had read over and made notes of the whole of the Parliamentary debates, and have seen a table which he constructed for reference, on a most admirable and useful plan. The minute accuracy of his acquaintance with the whole course of political affairs, obtained

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