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173.

gratitude or loyalty of those to whom this act whom its principal votaries are always to be of justice was done that she is indebted for this found. The whole vantage-ground gained by blessed consummation; she owes it to their in- the Catholics during the struggle for emanci gratitude and blind submission to a foreign po-pation was lost by its acquisition. tentate, which, by depriving the Catholics of the remuneration for their industry, has driven them headlong across the Atlantic. That which all the wisdom of man had failed to effect has resulted from the unforeseen and not intended consequences of his passions. Thus does the wisdom of the Almighty cause even the wrath of man to praise Him.

Reaction

ain.

Nor have the consequences of that concession been less injurious to the cause of Catholicism on the other side of the At- And in lantic. The pastors in vain followed America. their flocks to the New World; their ascendant was at an end when they left the shores of the Emerald Isle. Vast was the difference between the dark night of Celtic ignorance, lightNor have the consequences of emancipation ed only by the feeble rays of superstition, and been less decisive against the spread the bright aurora of Transatlantic energy, illu172. of the Catholic faith in Great Britain.minated by the effulgence of knowledge, intelliagainst Ca- It was natural that the Romish hie- gence, and intellect. The priest was swallowed tholicism in rarchy, seeing this great victory gain- up in the gulf of democracy. The ascendant Great Brit- ed by the effects of agitation in Ire- which the Romish clergy had acquired amidst land, and many persons of distinc- the ignorance and solitude of the Irish wilds, tion of both sexes in England embracing their was speedily lost when surrounded by the turfaith, should have thought that the time had moil of American interests, the conflict of Amercome when the work of the Reformation was ican sects. So signally has the influence of the to be undone, and the British Isles were to be Church of Rome declined in the United States, wholly regained by the Holy See. They open- that, notwithstanding the immense influx of ly announced the project accordingly. Great Irish Catholics in the last ten years, there are Britain was divided into ecclesiastical districts; only now 1,200,000 members of Romish churchbishops were appointed, and the cardinal-legate es in the Union, out of 13,000,000 embraced in assumed the long-forgotten title of Catholic the whole divisions of the Christian communtimes. The effect was decisive. A burst of ion. It is a common complaint, accordingly, Protestant enthusiasm ensued unparalleled since of the Catholic clergy in America, that they the Reformation, and the prime-minister of the have lost all influence over their flocks; that Crown, a leading supporter of emancipation, their followers live altogether without God in took the initiative in calling it forth. The ag- the world; and that, without embracing any gressive and ambitious spirit of the Church of new faith, they have simply renounced the old. Rome-which is recorded in every page of This, it is to be feared, is too often the case. modern history, but had come to be forgotten From superstition to infidelity is but a step. during the tolerant slumber of the close of the It is by the torch of knowledge, and it alone, nineteenth century- -was again brought to that the flame of a pure and lasting piety is, in light, and the contest of the Protestants with an enlightened age, to be kindled. But that the Catholics was renewed, but without the torch is not awanting in America; and, withwithering alliance with political distinction out anticipating the march of events that yet which had so long detached the generous from lie buried in the womb of time, it may with the side of the former. Men saw that the confidence be predicted that, however strongly Church of Rome was unchanged and unchange- the Catholic tenets may be rooted amidst the able, and must be combated with vigor as in traditions and corruptions of the Old World, it the first fervor of the Reformation; but the will never make head against the energy and contest came to be carried on, not by pains, intelligence of the New; and that still less will penalties, and disabilities, but by reason, argu- infidelity permanently retain any hold of a peoment, and intelligence, and above all, by rais-ple open to the influences and blessed by the ing the intellectual character of women, among choicest gifts of Nature.

CHAPTER XXII.

DOMESTIC HISTORY OF ENGLAND FROM THE PASSING OF THE CATHOLIC RELIEF BILL IN 1829 TO THE FALL OF THE WELLINGTON ADMINISTRATION IN 1830.

1.

The interval

between eman cipation and the

passing of the Reform Bill was entirely

occupied by the

question of reforin.

THE English nation can never have more than one object of interest or ambition at one time; and thence it is that internal discord has so often been appeased by the advent of foreign war. Accordingly, the three years which elapsed between the passing of the Catholic Relief Bill in 1829, and the Reform Bill in 1832, presented but one featurethe preparation for or approach of reform. As the Hundred Days were nothing but the eve before the battle of Waterloo, so these three years were nothing but the eve before the Reform Revolution. All interests were wound up in it, all desires centred in it, all heads occupied with it. The indifference which had so long prevailed on this subject had passed away, and been succeeded by an intense passion, which gradually went on accumulating in violence, until at length it became altogether irresistible. Various causes conspired at that time to feed and strengthen this passion, which had never before come into operation, and by their combined action brought about the great and all-important, though happily bloodless, revolution of 1832.

2.

constant asseveration of the movement party that a majority of the House of Commons was returned by two hundred and fifty individuals, most of them members of the Upper House, who had thus come to engross in their own persons the whole power of the State, by hav ing got the command of both Houses of Parlia ment.

variance with

2. This system, which had come to be styled the indirect representation, had 3. worked well, and given rise to no The interests serious complaints, as long as the of the borinterests of those who got into the us now at boroughs, either by purchase or those of the the favor of the proprietors, were country. identical with those in the unrepresented great towns. As long as men see their interests attended to, and their wishes consulted by those intrusted with the administration of affairs, they are contented, even though they have had no hand in their selection. It is when a divergence between the two begins that discontent commences, and the cry for a change of institutions is heard. This divergence was first felt after the termination of the war. During its continuance, as prices of the produce of all kinds of industry were continually rising, 1. The first of these was the immense increase the interests of the landlords, the capitalists, of manufacturing and commercial and the commercial men were the same—all Great want of wealth and industry which had were making money; and therefore all alike representation taken place during and since the were interested in the support of the protectfor the com- war, and the great number of ive system, by which the prices of all the mercial towns. considerable places, abounding in productions of industry were kept up, and the riches and teeming with energy, which were process of accumulation favored. But when wholly unrepresented in Parliament. If it is the war ceased, and prices rapidly fell, the intrue that knowledge is power, still more is itterests of the different classes of society, so far true that wealth is power; and in the great from being identical, came into collision. To commercial cities of Britain both these were sell dear was the interest of the producers and combined, without the constitution giving their those who rested on their industry; to buy inhabitants any channel by which they might cheap was the interest of those holding realmake their influence felt by the Government. ized wealth, and the whole class of urban conThis was a serious defect, and was felt as a sumers. Thence a clear and decided breach very great grievance. In early times it had between them, and the commencement of disbeen obviated by the practice which prevailed content and complaint against the proprietors of sending writs to each borough or village of the close boroughs, and the members whom which had become considerable, commanding they sent to Parliament; for the measures which them to send burgesses to Parliament. But they pursued, suggested by their opulent conthis practice, which was entirely in harmony stituents, were often not only noway's conducive with the spirit of the constitution, had long to those of the unrepresented towns, but difallen into desuetude, since it had been discov-rectly at variance with them. ered that a majority in the House of Commons 3. This divergence appeared in the most strikgave the party possessing it the command of the State; and now the great towns, many of which had quadrupled in population and wealth during the preceding quarter of a century, remained without representation; while vast numbers of little boroughs, which had declined with the changes of time to a mere fraction of their former inhabitants, still sent members to Parliament, many of them at the dictation, or in pursuance of the sale, of a neighboring magnate. So far had this gone, that it was the

4.

for reform.

ing manner, and became irrepara-
ble, upon the passing of the mone- Effects of the
tary bill of 1819, and the commence- contraction of
ment of the system of free trade the currency
and a restricted currency. As this on the desire
great change rendered the fall of
prices permanent, and ere long caused it to
amount to 50 per cent. on every species of prod
uce, it placed the interests of the consumers and
of the holders of realized wealth irrevocably
at variance, The former were interested in

similar results in Great Britain, the more especially as the voice of the great numerical majority, particularly in the large towns, which was sure to be loudest and most attended to in the matter, was sure to be raised in its support? It was resolved accordingly by the Libbataille with the Government; and although it was well known that most of the Whig aristocracy, who influenced so many of the close boroughs, would be reluctant to part with what they regarded as their birth-right, yet it was anticipated, not without reason, that they would be overpowered by the loud voice of the people, and be constrained, in the last resort, to listen to their demands rather than lose their support.

measures tending to lower prices, because it | penalties of high treason, had succeeded so well augmented the value, and in effect increased in Ireland, why might it not be attended with the amount of their fixed incomes; the latter were dependent on the rise of prices, because it diminished the weight of their debts and obligations, and increased the remuneration for their industry. It was impossible to reconcile these opposite interests: the amiable dream of the interests of all classes being the same, van-eral leaders to make this the next cheval de ished before this stern reality of their being at variance. The inhabitants of the great unrepresented boroughs were not aware to what their distresses were owing: they ascribed it, at the dictation of their political leaders, to the weight of taxation, the extravagance of Government, or the like; but they all felt the pressure, and discontent was general, because suffering among the industrial classes was universal. The demand for reform, which was regularly hushed over the whole empire when suf- 5. In this expectation they were not disapfering, from an extension of the currency, had pointed, and very much owing to a disappeared, was revived with increased intens- defection in the ranks of their ad- Division ity when, by any of the measures which have versaries, which had never before among the been mentioned, the currency was rendered been experienced, but was the natu- the effect of scanty. So invariable is this sequence, that ral result of the measures which had the contracit obviously stands in the relation of cause and recently been adopted. Not only tion of the effect. In times of distress or disaster," says was the Tory party divided in con- currency. Mr. Roebuck, "reform excited much attention; sequence of the forcing of the Relief Bill on the but when prosperity and success returned, it nation, but a considerable part among them, seemed to have passed almost out of remem- estimable alike by their courage, their sincerbrauce. The matter, however, was never en-ity, and their character, had been driven for tirely forgotten; for although pressing public exigencies might induce the people occasionally to postpone their desires, although great prosperity led to a temporary forgetfulness, the cry for reform always returned with the 1 Roebuck, reappearance of distress; and to the History of faulty constitution of the House of the Whig Commons liberal politicians were Ministry, i. ever prone to ascribe nearly all the national misfortunes."

187.

5.

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4. In this state of affairs the Catholic agitation began, and the great and danEffect of Cath- gerous example was presented to olic agitation the world of a vast political change and its suc- being forced on the Government lating reform. against its will, by the efforts of a well-drilled and numerous party in the State. Ministers had, with more sincerity than wisdom, admitted that they had yielded to external pressure; the Duke of Wellington had declared, amidst the cheers of the House of Peers, in words more graceful in a veteran conqueror than judicious in a young statesman, that the point was yielded to avoid the terrible alternative of civil war. This important acknowledgment was not lost upon the friends of parliamentary reform. If agitation, kept within legal bounds, and steering clear of the

PETITIONS TO PARLIAMENT IN FAVOR OF REFORM.

1820.. 1821

1822.

1823

1824

1825

1826

1827

1828

1829

1830

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14

28.391 497
28,501.456
26.965.090

6.

Tories from

the time into the ranks of their opponents. Their incomes had been halved by the contraction of the currency and the adoption of free trade, while their debts and obligations remained the same: their petitions for inquiry and relief, again and again presented, and supported by a fearful array of facts, had been disregarded or derided; and almost every successive session had been marked by legislative measures which went to diminish their own fortunes and augment those of the urban capitalists, who had become their opponents. Capital, intrenched in the close boroughs which it had acquired by purchase or influence, disregarded the complaints of rural industry, as an enemy in possession of an array of strong fortresses despises the partial insurrection or general suffering of the inhabitants of the fields. Accordingly, discontent at existing institutions and the desire for change had become of late years more general among the farmers and land-holders than even the inhabitants of towns; and the question was often put in the form of the algebraic problem: "Given the Toryism of a landed proprietor; required to find the period of want of rents which will reduce him to a Radical reformer.'

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-Quarterly Review, No. xc., July, 1831; and TOOKE On tution which gave it every prospect of success.

Prices, ii. 381, 383.

Injured in their fortunes and circumstances by

suppression

the measures which had been pursued, they ties under which, from the effect of legislative now found themselves wounded in their affec-measures, the industrious classes la- 8. tions. The strongest convictions of their under- bored. By the act passed in Febru- Great effect standings, the deepest feelings of their hearts, ary, 1826, regarding small notes, it of the entire had been set at naught or lacerated by a great had been provided that, though no of small measure forced upon the nation, in opposition new stamps were to be issued for notes in alike to the wishes of the Sovereign and the small notes after its date, the notes March, 1829. loudly expressed sentiments of a decided ma- already in circulation were to continue to circujority of the people, by ministerial influence late, and be received as a legal tender for three and the votes of the representatives of the close years longer. These three years expired in boroughs. Immense was the impression which March, 1829; and all notes in England below the perception of this occasioned. It was ad- £5 immediately disappeared from the circulamitted by the advocates of emancipation that, tion. Great was the effect of this decisive change if the popular voice had determined the ques- upon the fortunes and well-being of the industion, it would never have been carried; and trious classes, both in town and country, over yet it had become the law of the land. Before the whole nation. Coinciding, by a singular this stern reality the illusion of the people's chance in point of time, with the sudden convoice being all-powerful in England had melt- version of so many statesmen and legislators, ed away. The wrath of the leaders of the old in both Houses, on the subject of the Catholic Tories and the High Church party exhaled in claims, and the passing of the Relief Bill in conParliament on many different occasions. So sequence, it powerfully tended to inflame the vehement did the excitement become that the desire for radical change, by superadding perDuke of Wellington challenged Lord Winchel-sonal and private distress generally in the insea for words spoken in the House of Peers, and a duel ensued, happily without any serious results on either side. A motion was made for parliamentary reform soon after the Relief Bill passed, which was negatived by a majority of 74 in a House of 184; but the names in the minority revealed the great transposition of parties which had taken place. In the course of it, Mr. William Smith, the member for Norwich, said, "One effect, he was happy to find, had been produced by the Catholic Relief Bill, which its best friends had not anticipated: it had transformed a number of the highest Tories in the land into something very nearly resembling Radical reformers."

June 2.

1 Parl. Deb.

xxi. 1688; Ann. Reg.

1829; Chron. 58.

A circumstance occurred at this time which most materially tended to swell the cry for reform in Parliament, by increasing the difficul* This duel deserves to be noticed as the last between any men of mark in Great Britain before this barbarous practice went into desuetude. The cause of offense was, that, in a letter published in the newspapers to the secretary of the Association for establislung King's College, London, Lord Winchelsea said: "Late political events have convinced me that the whole transaction (regarding the College) was intended as a blind to the Protestant and High Church party, that the noble Duke, who had for some time previous to that determined upon breaking in upon the constitution of 1688, might the more effectually, under the cloak of some outward show of zeal for the Protestant religion, carry on his insidious designs for the infringement of our liberties, and the introduction of

Popery into every department of the State." The Duke, March 19. upon seeing this, wrote to Lord Winchelsea, "No man has a right, whether in public or private, by speech, or in writing, or in print, to insult an

dustrious classes to indignation at public measures, distrust in public men. The diminution in the circulation in consequence was immedi ate and decisive; but this effect, great as it was, was the least part of the evil.* It was the contraction of credit consequent on the diminution which was the real evil, and that in a commercial country soon induced universal distress. It is one thing for bankers to issue small notes to customers of their own, striking off which from being the general medium of circulation, they are sure will not come back upon them for a very long period, if at all: it is another and a very different thing to issue sovereigns or large notes, whether of their own or the Bank of England, which can only be purchased for full value.

weavers.

The silk-weavers were the first who brought their sufferings before the Legisla- 9. ture, under the new state of mone- Motion on tary matters. It appeared from the the distress statements made by the petitioners, of the silkthat, since the change in the law regarding the importation of foreign silks, there had been a progressive and most alarming diminution in the importation of the raw material, and increase in the importation of the foreign manufactured, insomuch that "there had already been lost to the industry of this country no less than £1,000,000 yearly. Hence our silkmills and looms were standing still, the weavers were starving, and it was quite certain that many even of the masters were giving up the trade, and becoming mere importers." The al

*Years.

1827
1828

Currency. £31,493,250 28.394,487

IMPORTS OF WROUGHT SILK.

Years.

Currency.

1829

1530

£28,501,450 26.965,090

other, by attributing to him motives for his conduct, pub-
lic or private, which disgrace or criminate him. If a gen-
tleman commits such an act indiscreetly, in the heat of
debate, or in a moment of party violence, he is always
ready to make reparation to the party whom he may have
thus injured. I am convinced that your Lordship will,
upon reflection, be anxious to reclaim yourself from the TOOKE On Prices, ii. 381, 383.
pain of having thus insulted a man who never injured or
offended you." Lord Winchelsea refused to make what
was deemed by the Duke a satisfactory explanation: the
parties met, and Lord Winchelsea fired in the
March 21.
air, after receiving the Duke's fire, which car-
ried off a curl of his hair. The Earl, having done so,
made a very handsome apology for words which were
certainly unwarrantable in the circumstances, because
they imputed motives not apparent on the face of the
transaction. The Duke rode to the place of meeting at
Chalk Farm, attended only by Sir Henry Hardinge as
his second, and a single servant.-See Ann. Reg., 1829,
p. 58, 62.

Years.

1826

1827

1828

Value. £445,000

555,087
676,973

IMPORTS OF RAW SILK.

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In 1824-5 there were 17.000 looms employed in Spitalfields; in 1829 there were 9000. The rate of wages in the former period was 17s. a week, in the latter 9s. Weavers in the former period got Es., in the latter 5s.Parl. Deb. vol. xxi. p. 751, 754. Ann. Reg. 1829, 116, 117.

xxi. 779, 782; Ann. Reg. 1829, 118; Martineau, i. 508.

10.

1232.

legations of the petitioners were so notoriously | £10,500,000. In 1816, the official value-that well founded, and so entirely supported by the is, the quantity-was the same, but the money parliamentary returns on the subject, that Min- or declared value had sunk to £7,100,000; in isters did not attempt to deny the facts assert- other words, £3,400,000 was lost to Ireland on ed, but only alleged that the distress was owing, the exports alone, being 34 per cent., although not to Free Trade, but to over-production, that the rents, taxes, and engagements of every kind it was as great in France as in England; and remained the same. In 1817, the distress bethat matters would be still worse if the system came such that Government was compelled to of protection were restored. They took, how- postpone for two years longer the Bank Reever, the only proper course which could be striction Act; and the consequence was, that adopted under the circumstances, and in con- in 1818 the exports of Ireland to Great Britain formity with the principles of Free Trade; and rose to £10,300,000-within a trifle of what that was, to make a considerable reduction in they had been in the last year of the war. But the duties on the importation of the raw mate- in 1819 the Bank Restriction Act passed; and rial. The duties, accordingly, were lowered, on the consequence was, that though the producfine silk from 58. to 3s. 6d., and on inferior from tions exported rose in 1822, as measured by 58. to 18. 6d. This change only augmented the official value, to £6,100,000, the money value 1 Parl. Deb. general clamor, as it threw numbers sunk to £7,000,000! For more work they got of persons engaged in working up less than two-thirds of the return in money! raw silk out of employment, and seri- Whoever considers these figures will have no ous riots took place in Bethnal Green difficulty in perceiving to what cause the whole and Spitalfields, during which proper subsequent difficulties and disturb- 1 Parl. Deb. ty to a large amount was destroyed.1ances both of Great Britain and Ire- xxi. 1231, The gradual recovery of the country from land have been owing." the monetary crisis of 1825, and the How this state of things affected the generThe Budget non-arrival as yet of the lowering efal interests of industry throughout 12. of 1829. fects of the suppression of small notes the country was demonstrated in Mr. Waithin March, 1829, enabled the Chancellor of the a very clear way from the parlia- man's exposiExchequer to exhibit a more cheering picture mentary returns by Mr. Alderman fect of the of the state of the finances than had been ex- Waithman. He pointed out the monetary syshibited in the preceding year. The revenue of effect of the monetary system, in- tem on manu1828 had been £55,187,000, and the expendi- troduced in 1819, on the manufacture £49,336,000, leaving a surplus applicable turing industry of Great Britain, in diminish to the reduction of debt of £5,850,000. These ing the money price of commodities, insomuch figures deserve to be particularly noted, as af- that while in seven years, from 1814 to 1820, fording a proof of the elasticity of the British though years of much distress, the excess of real finances, and the large sums which, notwith-or money value in exports was £41,000,000; standing the copious bleedings to which the in eight years, from 1821 to 1828, the excess of Sinking Fund had been subjected, were still ap- the official value over the real was £80,000,000! plicable to the reduction of the national debt, Including colonial produce, which had suffered before the extinction of small notes, and conse- extremely by the fall, the annual depreciation quent contraction of the currency, took full ef- on goods exported between 1814 and 1828, a fect. It will appear in the sequel how woeful-period of fourteen years, was £28,000,000 on ly matters changed after this decisive contracWhoever contion; and as Catholic emancipation was the last triumph of the nomination borough-holders, so this was the last year when any material reduction of the debt was effected. In three years after this, the surplus entirely disappear2 Parl. Deb. ed, and was succeeded by a course xxi. 1170, of years, during which, in a period 1231; Ann. of profound peace, considerable adReg. 1520, ditions were annually made to the public debt.2

119, 121.

the causes

tress and agitation.

The debate on this budget, however, elicited 11. some facts regarding the state of the Statement country, which threw an important of Mr. Att light on the causes which had brought wood as to about the recent great change in Ireof Irish dis- land, and were preparing a still greater in Great Britain. The former were thus stated by Mr. Attwood: "In 1814, the last year of the war, the exportations from Ireland to Great Britain amounted to £5,100,000, official value-official value is the measure of quantity; this account exhibits the gross amount of corn, cattle, linen, salted provisions, and other commodities sent from Ireland to Great Britain in that year. But the prices of these articles were set down according to the old valuations in 1697; the real money value, which is the declared value, was

tion of the ef

factures.

£48,000,000, or 60 per cent.*
siders this immense depreciation, and the effect
it must have had on industry of every descrip

EXPORT OF MANUFACTURES AND PRODUCE OF THE
UNITED KINGDOM FROM 1814 TO 1828, BOTH IN
CLUSIVE, WITH OFFICIAL AND REAL VALUE.

Year.

1814

Official Value.

Real Value.

Difference.

£36,092,167

£47,851,153

£11,759,286

1815

44,053,455

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