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1 An. Reg. streets, it was intended to attack the 1830, 158, Duke of Wellington's house while the 159, Roe- police were absent in other quarters, in order to give a political color to

buck, i. 412, 413.

and in addition to the contemplated riot in the | in the field, which have won for the Duke of Wellington, as a soldier, a general, and a conqueror, a great, brilliant, and imperishable renown, coupled with a deviation by the noble Duke from his proper sphere into the labyrinth of politics-I wish to heaven I had not lived to see the day when the forgetfulness of the people of the merits of the soldier, and the forgetfulness of the soldier of his own proper sphere of greatness, display to England, to Europe, and to the world, that he 1830, 161, 162; can not accompany his Majesty on Parl. Deb. i. his journey into the hearts of an at- 74, 75 (new tached and loyal population."

the disturbance.1 Immense was the effect of this announcement 77. upon the already excited minds of General con- the metropolis. The most alarmsternation on ing reports were immediately in circulation, that a vast conspiracy had been discovered; that we were on the edge of a terrible convulsion; that the Revolt of the Barricades was to be re-enacted that very day

the occasion.

in the streets of London. The citizens looked
to the bolts and bars of their doors; the more
courageous laid in arms, and prepared for re-
sistance; the shutters were lined with iron
plates, and iron blinds were hastily run up.
Such was the general consternation that in two
hours the Funds fell 34 per cent. Before the
end of the week the panic had subsided, when
it was seen that no outbreak took place, and
that the excessive alarm had been in a great
measure unfounded. But with that reaction
commenced a new set of feelings still more dam-
aging to the Government. Ashamed of their
own fears, and of the ridiculous length to which
they had been carried, the citizens were fain to
throw the responsibility for them upon the Min-
isters; and those who had a few days before
been loudest in the exaggeration of the danger,
were now foremost in proclaiming
2 Ann. Reg.
1830, 160, 161, its entire groundlessness, and the
Martineau, i culpable timidity of the Govern-
18 Roebuck, ment which had yielded to such
unfounded alarms.2

i. 415, 416.

The liberal chiefs in Parliament made a skill78. ful use of the consternation proSpeech of Mr duced by this event. "I regret Brougham on much," said Mr. Brougham, the the occasion. appearance of the letter of this morning. I regret it on account of the mischief which it is certain to cause in the mercantile world, and still more from the connection which it has with the fatal speech from the throne, and the still more fatal speech of the Duke of Wellington against every species of reform-a declaration to which I conscientiously believe he owes nine-tenths of his present unpopularity. I wish that that declaration had not been made. I wish also that I had not lived to see the day when a forgetfulness of the invaluable services men' the time has at length arrived, and all London meets

on Tuesday Come armed, we assure you, from ocular demonstration, six thousand cutlasses have been removed from the Tower for the immediate use of Peel's bloody gang Remember the cursed speech from the throne. These damned police are to be armed. Englishmen, will you put up with this ?"-Ann. Reg., p. 159, 160.

1 Ann. Reg.

series.)

leaves Minis

It was now evident to all the world that the downfall of the Wellington Minis79. try was at hand, and the only Division on question was on what point they the Civil List should make their election to be ters in a mibeaten. Three important questions nority. stood for early discussion-the Civ. Nov. 15. il List, Parliamentary Reform, and Negro Slavery-of the two last of which notices of motion had been given by Mr. Brougham, and the former stood for the 16th of November. Ministers, with great propriety, resolved to retire on the first, on which they foresaw they would be beaten, because, by so doing, they avoided implicating the Crown or themselves upon the all-important national questions which remained behind. The debate came on upon the 15th November, when the Chancellor of the Exchequer moved in common form that the House do resolve itself into a committee on the Civil List, whereupon Sir Henry Parnell moved as an amendment, "that a select committee be ap pointed to take into consideration the estimates and accounts printed by command of his Majesty regarding the Civil List." The debate was a very short one, but it was distinguished by one significant circumstance. Three old Tories-Mr. Bankes, Mr. Wynn, and Mr. Holme Sumner--spoke in favor of Sir H. Parnell's mo tion, and against the Government. On a division there appeared 233 for the amendment, and 204 against it, giving a majority of TwENTY-NINE against Ministers. Mr. Hobhouse immediately asked Sir Robert Peel* whether Ministers intended to retain office after this expression of the sentiments of the House, to which he properly declined to give any an- 2 Ann Reg swer at the time; but the next day 1830, 162, 163, the Duke of Wellington announced Roebuck, i in the House of Lords, and Sir Rob- 429, 430. Marert Peel in the House of Commons, Parl Deb. i. that they held office only till their 87, 88 (new successors were appointed.

tineau, ii. 19:

series).

He had lately succeeded to the baronetcy on the death of his father, at the reverend age of eighty,

CHAPTER XXIII.

DOMESTIC HISTORY OF ENGLAND FROM THE FALL OF THE WELLINGTON ADMINISTRATION IN 1829, TO THE PASSING OF THE REFORM BILL IN 1832.

1. Reflections on

Wellington
Ministry.

ther met their wishes, nor provided for their necessities.

3.

The very errors, as they were deemed by many at the time, were themselves forced upon their authors by general Continued. and irresistible causes. It is easy to see now, on the retrospect, that it was the monetary measures of 1819 and 1826, coupled with the emancipation ofthe Catholics, which brought about the change, because it was these which spread discontent and division among the rural and industrious classes, who had heretofore been the firmest supporters of the throne, the stead

removes the difficulty a step farther back. The question remains, What caused these measures to be adopted by successive governments, in opposition alike to the interests of the whole industrious classes of the people and their religious feelings, and in direct antagonism to the policy pursued for a century and a half by the Government, and under which the country had risen to an unexampled height of prosperity and glory? It is evident to any one who attentively considers the progress of these changes that they were not forced upon the Legislature by individual men, but forced upon individual men by the Legislature; and that a fixed majority had got into the House of Commons, which rendered it impossible to carry on the government in any other way. Each successive administration since the peace had been compelled to relinquish, as the price of retaining office, a part of the old system, until none remained, and an entire change of government and of the constitution had become unavoidable.

THUS fell the Wellington Administration, the most important event in the domestic history of England since the the fall of the Revolution, in the general annals of Europe since the battle of Waterloo. In the decisive and lasting transference by the political power in the State by which it was followed to another party, it bears a very close resemblance to the overthrow of the Coalition Ministry by Mr. Pitt in 1784, which terminated a dominion of nearly a century by the Whigs, and introduced one of half the time by the Tories. But in its political and social results it was far more import-iest friends of the constitution. But that only ant than Mr. Pitt's triumph. It induced a transference not merely of the reins of government from one party to another, but of political power from one class in society to another. It terminated the long-established dominion of the landed and commercial aristocracy, and vested it in the class of shop-keepers and small householders. It closed the sway of the interests of production, whether in land or manufactures, and created that of buying and selling. Thence has ensued an entire change in our whole domestic policy, both in relation to agriculture and manufactures, and the adoption of a series of measures calculated, by cheapening every thing, to benefit consumers and the holders of realized capital, without any regard to their influence on those engaged in the work of production. Thence also have arisen changes in our foreign policy equally startling and unexpected. It has displaced Great Britain from the head of Conservative alliances, and placed her in the front rank of the coalitions founded upon movement; and, stifling the ancient animosity of France and England, has brought the It is not difficult to see, at this distance of legions of both nations in cordial amity and time, what was the cause which rengenerous rivalry to combat the forces of the dered this change of system neces- What had set Czar, in defense of Turkey, on the shores of the sary; and what is very remarkable, these causes Crimea. and perhaps unprecedented in hu in motion. Superficial observers, and those whose atten- man affairs, that cause is to be found in the nattion is exclusively fixed on the ural consequences of the entire success of the influence of individual agency in opposite system. So amazingly had the whole human affairs, see in these vast industrial interests of the community-landevents and this entire change of ed, manufacturing, commercial, and colonialsystem, both foreign and domes-grown and prospered under the old protective tic, the effect only of the capacity of the lead-system, under which they had all found shelter ers and their dexterity in the management of during a hundred and fifty years, that a new parties; and they declaim against the mistakes interest had arisen in society, the fruit of their which, as they conceive, have ruined ancient prosperity, but which was destined to limit and interests, and the tergiversations which have restrain it. This was the interest of REALIZED broken up old alliances. But without disput-CAPITAL, the produce of long-protected and thriv ing the important effect of individual men in ing industry, but which had at length, from the moulding the fate of nations, it may with safe- unexampled impulse and successes of the war, ty be asserted that, in this instance, the great acquired an influence which enabled it to set change which took place was owing to general all other interests at defiance. This interest, causes. The Wellington Administration, and by the command of ready money, and the acwith it the old system of government in Great quisition of the close boroughs, had succeeded Britain, fell, because it had become unsuited to in acquiring a majority in the House of Comthe altered circumstances of the people; it nei- | mons, and with it the entire government of the

2.

Causes which rendered the

change so de

cisive.

4.

State. Its interests were no longer identical with those of the industry from which it had sprung; on the contrary, they were adverse to it. To sell dear is the interest of the creators of wealth; to buy cheap is the interest of its inheritors. It is in the nature of things that Sir R. Peel the father, who made the fortune, should be the supporter of the protective; Sir R. Peel the son, who succeeded to it, the advocate of the cheapening system. Thence the change of system in the Legislature when the inheritors became the more powerful body; and thence the creation of a general discontent in the industrious classes, which at length over whelmed at once the Ministry and the previous system of government. When once capital, for its own advantage, had rendered the currency of the country entirely dependent on the retention of gold, and introduced free trade into the principal branches of manufacture, a revolution in the whole frame and system of government had become inevitable, and it was merely a question of time when it was to take place.

declaration

It was this circumstance which rendered the 5. Duke of Wellington's famous declaWhat made ration against reform so very influthe Duke's ential in inducing the immediate against Re- downfall of his administration. It form so im- announced the determination of Govportant. ernment at all hazards to maintain the existing system in the House of Commons. But that was the precise thing which the country desired to have altered, because it had been the cause of all the suffering which had been experienced. It was against the " boroughmongers," as they were called, that the outery was directed, because they brought in the men who had pursued the system which had been attended with such disastrous results. There was no hostility against the Crown; little, comparatively speaking, against the House of Lords, except in so far as it influenced the House of Commons. It was the venal and nomination boroughs which were the object of the general indignation, and they were so because the persons who got into Parliament through their seats had first, by the measures they pursued for the advantage of capital, created the distress, and then shown themselves insensible to all petitions for its relief. When the Duke of Wellington, therefore, declared himself decidedly opposed to every species of reform, he not only thwarted a vehement national passion, but expressed his determination to uphold what was the source of all the suffering which was experienced, and continue the close boroughs, which had become a great national grievance. It is no wonder that it accelerated his fall.

the new Min

claims.

claims to a higher situation than the aristocratic Whigs were willing to allow to any man who had raised himself by the unaided force of his own abilities, without patrician conneetions or support. On the other hand, it was very material to take the question of reform, which had only been postponed to the 25th November, out of the hands of a man at once so powerful, and so little inclined to follow the dictates or counsel of any other person. So strongly was Mr. Brougham himself impressed with these difficulties, that in postponing his motion for reform, which he stated he did with great reluctance, he said, "No change that can take place in the Administration can by poss bility affect me." Earl Grey first proposed for him the situation of Master of the Rolls, which is permanent, and is consistent with a seat in the House of Commons, but to this the King peremptorily objected. The Attorney-Gener al's gown was next offered to him, but at once rejected. At length, on the King's suggestion, it was agreed to offer him the Great Seals, which were immediately accepted. No further difficulty was experienced in making up the Administration, which was composed almost entirely of noblemen of the Whig party. The Duke of Richmond, as representing the ultraTories, was made Postmaster-General, with a seat in the Cabinet; a negotiation was opened with Sir Edward Knatchbull, the leader of the same party in the House of Commons, but it failed of success. The new Ministry was of ficially announced on the 21st November, and gave very general satisfaction to 1 Ann. Reg. the country.* It is remarkable 1830, 163, 165; that in a Liberal Cabinet of fif teen members thirteen were peers, or sons of peers, one a baronet, and only one commoner.1

Roebuck, i 434,450, Marneau, i. 21,

22.

7

EARL GREY, who at this eventful crisis sueceeded to the government of the country, has left a name which Character of never will be forgotten in English Earl Grey. history, for he introduced that change in the constitution which has been attended with such great and lasting effects. He was beyond all doubt a most remarkable man. Gifted by nature with talents of a very high order, he pos

The new Ministry stood as follows: In the Cabinet.-First Lord of the Treasury, Earl Grey;

Lord-Chancellor, Lord Brougham; Chancellor of the Exchequer and leader of the Commons, Lord Althorpe; President of the Council, Marquess of Lansdowne; Lord Privy Seal, Earl of Durham; Home Secretary, Lord Melbourne; Foreign Affairs, Lord Palmerston: Secretary of Colonies, Lord Goderich First Lord of the Admiralty, Sir James Graham, President of the Board of Control, Mr. Charles cellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, Lord Holland; without

Grant, Postmaster-General, Duke of Richmond, Chan

office, Lord Carlisle.

Earl Grey, as a matter of course, was sent for Not in the Cabinet.-President of the Board of Trade, 6. by the King to form the new Min-Lord Auckland; Secretary at War, Mr. C. W. W. Wynn, Master-General of Ordnance, Sir James Kempt, Lord The difficulty istry, which it was easy to fore- Chamberlin, Duke of Devonshire; Lord Steward, Marin forming see would be composed chiefly, if quess Wellesley, Master of the Horse, Lord Albemarle; istry fixes Mr. not entirely, of the leaders of the Groom of the Stole, Marquess of Winchester, First Cemmissioner of Land Revenue, Mr. Agar Ellis: Treasurer Brougham's Liberal party in the two Houses of of the Navy, Mr. Poulett Thomson, Attorney-General, Parliament. No small embarrass- Sir T. Denman, Solicitor-General, Sir W. Horne. ment, however, was experienced in forming the administration, chiefly in consequence of the difficulty of finding a suitable situation for Mr. Brougham, whose great abilities, and position as the real if not the avowed leader of the Lib-or-General, II Coburn, Esq.--Ann. Reg., 150, p. 164, In Scotland.-Lord-Advocate, F. Jeffrey, Esq.; Solicit eral party in the House of Commons, gave him 165, ROEBUCK, vol. i. p 450, 451.

In Ireland - Lord Lieutenant, Marquess of Anglesea; Lord-Chanelor, Lord Plunkett; Comvander of the Forces, Sir John Byng: Chief Secretary, Lord Sturdy, Attorney-General, Mr. Pennefather; Solicitor General, Mr. Crompton.

sessed, at the same time, that quality of still
rarer occurrence, but which, when it does ex-
ist, seldom fails to lead to early shipwreck or
ultimate greatness-moral courage, and invin-
cible determination. His political life was con-
sistency itself.
He shared with his party their
early hostility to the French war, and must
bear with them the obloquy, in the eyes of pos-
terity, of having defended the French Revolu-
tion long after its atrocities had discredited
in the eyes of all impartial men, and resisted
the contest with it when it had become appar-
ent that it was waged by this country for the
liberty and independence of mankind. But this
was the result of the firmness and consistency
of his character, which, having once embraced
an opinion, adhered to it for good or for evil
through all the mutations of fortune. On the
subject of reform he was the same throughout.
Unlike the greater part of the Whig aristocra-
cy, who supported it in public, and in secret
deprecated it as the most dangerous innovation
alike to the country and themselves, he was its
advocate from his first entrance into public life;
and the plan of reform which he brought for-
ward in the House of Commons, without suc-
1 See Hist. cess, in 1797, differed in no material
of Europe, degree from that which he brought
c. xxii. 9. to a triumphant issue in 1832.1

8.

power he enjoyed when the victory was gained. There was much to condemn in the mode in which, in its latter stages, he carried on the contest, but nothing save to admire in the conduct he pursued after it was over. He then boldly confronted menaced rebellion in Ireland, coerced its wildest excesses, and when he had the power to have carried innovation in Great Britain to any imaginable length, stopped short with one organic change, and observed henceforward the landmarks of the constitution.

of the Reform

Although the practical results of the Reform Bill, which he carried through, 10. have been widely different from He was miswhat he either intended or de- led by others sired, yet this is not so much to as to the effect be ascribed as a fault to Earl Grey, Bill as it was the unfortunate result of the elevated position he occupied, and the sphere in which he had moved in society. In the framing of that measure itself he was as completely misled by the representations of others of inferior rank about him, who possessed the practical knowledge which he wanted, and had their own ends in view in their representation, as he had been in early life as to the tendency of the French Revolution by the declamations of the philosophers and Girondists. He said it was the most aristocratic As a public speaker he must be assigned a measure ever brought forward in Parliament, very high place-second, perhaps, when it was a measure, as experience has now His character only to Pitt and Fox in the Au- proved, which took the government of the counas an orator, gustan age of English oratory. He try entirely out of the hands of the aristocracy. and in private had not the power of lucid expo- He declared he would stand or fall by his order, sition of the former, nor the impetuous flow of and yet he exerted all his talent and influence the latter, but in condensed expression, cogent to carry through a measure which politically argument, and sarcastic power, he was equal nullified that order, and substituted that of to either. He had not the poetic fancy or play-shop-keepers, with whom assuredly his aristoful expression of Canning, but he was more thoroughly, and at all times, in earnest-the great secret for moving and permanently ruling the hearts of men. His well-known philippic against that celebrated orator, when he succeeded to power in April, 1827, is deservedly placed among the most brilliant specimens of rhetorical power which the English language can boast. In society, his manner, though somewhat reserved and stately, had all the courtesy which belongs to real high-breeding, and in domestic life he was simplicity itself-the sure sign of a mind superior to any station, how lofty soever, to which its possessor may be ele

vated.

9.

and errors, but noble use of power when acquired.

The great fault of Earl Grey, as of most men of his rank who are called to the His defects general direction of affairs, was a want of practical acquaintance with mankind in all grades. He shared this defect with his whole cabinet, when arranged in 1830, which was almost entirely composed of the nobility; and so conspicuous did this deficiency immediately become, that, as will appear in the sequel, he was saved from early overthrow only by identifying himself with the extreme movement party, and advancing a measure which entirely and forever changed the institutions of the nation. He did great service to his country by taking the direction of that movement, and preventing it from falling into other and less scrupulous hands, and deserves its lasting gratitude for the use which he made of the vast

cratic feelings had nothing in common, in its room. In this there was no duplicity or disingenuousness on the part of this proud and straightforward nobleman. He believed all he said, and acted accordingly; but his measures, being founded on no practical acquaintance with the community to which they referred, had a directly contrary tendency to what he intended, and ere long precipitated himself from power, and his order from the dominant position it had so long held in English society.*

* In the course of the debates on the Reform Bill in the House of Peers, Lord Sidmouth, who supposed Lord Grey to have been carried by circumstances far beyond his original intention, said to him, "I hope God will forgive you on account of this bill; I don't think I can." To which you will find that we have become unpopular from hav Lord Grey replied, "Mark my words: within two years ing brought forward the most aristocratic measure that ever was proposed in Parliament." Lord Althorpe, too, form Bill was the most aristocratic act ever offered to the did not conceal his opinion; he avowed it, "that the Renation; and the wonder is, who can doubt it, while the new county representation preponderates over the addiMiss MARTINEAU, ii. 28, 29. The truth is, that there

tion to the towns."-See Sidmouth's Life, iii. 439; and was much plausibility in the reason thus advanced to prove the aristocratic tendency of the Reform Bill, and without doubt these noble lords were perfectly sincere in the opinion thus advanced. But what they did not see, though their followers did, was, that these aristocratic tendencies were entirely neutralized and overpowered by three circumstances, the action of which has now been completely demonstrated by experience. These were: 1. The working of the ten pound clause, which in all the boroughs (that is, three-fifths of the House of Commons) vested the returns in one class-that of small shop-keepadding 50 per cent. to the value of money, and taking as ers; 2. The operation of the monetary laws, which, by much from the remuneration of industry, has rendered

11.

13.

statesman.

Second only to Earl Grey in influence and | Brougham took an interest, or has been mainstation, and superior to him in versa-ly instrumental in promoting, are Character tile power, LORD BROUGHAM now stood considered, we shall have more cause His charac of Lord prominently forward in a totally dif- to admire the variety of his acquire- ter as a Brougham. ferent sphere and position from that ments, the versatility of his powers, in which he had first moved and risen to such than the length of his vision or the solidity of eminence. A tribune of the people, he was his judgment. He did not foresee the real tendsuddenly made a senator; a brilliant and suc-ency of the measures which he so powerfully cessful advocate, he was at once, and without advocated, and in consequence brought about having gone through any of the intermediate results the very reverse of what he intended stations, elevated to the very highest judicial and desired. He professed to “stand upon the station; a common lawyer, chiefly known in ancient ways of the constitution" in all his propolitical or popular cases at nisi prius, he was jects of reform; and yet he strenuously supput at the head of the Court of Chancery, and ported, or besought the House of Peers, "on immersed in all the subtleties of conveyancing, his bended knees," to pass a bill on that suband the niceties of the law of equity. He was ject, which entirely altered those ways, bethe first barrister, if we except perhaps Lord cause, in lieu of the old representation of classErskine, who was made Lord-Chancellor, and es and interest, it introduced the new repreput at the head of the court of last resort, en- sentation of mere numbers. He was the untirely from political considerations, and to avoid compromising foe through life of West India a difficulty in the formation of an administra- slavery, and the generous advocate of the poor tion, without any regard to his competency to negro's rights; and yet, by urging on the fatal discharge the important duties with which he step of immediate and unprepared emancipawas intrusted. tion, he has proved his worst enemy, and thrown He was no common man who could stand back the sable inhabitants of the Antilles cen12. such a change of position, not only turies in the path of real and lasting improveHis merits with no diminution, but in some re- ment. No man saw more clearly, or has exas a Judge. spects with an increase of reputation. pressed more strongly, the decline which would It is reported to have been said of him, when be brought on British agriculture from the unhe was elevated to the Wool-sack, by a very restrained competition of foreign states; and great lawyer, "It is a pity Lord Brougham yet he has been active in the furthering of a does not know a little of English law, for then series of measures which have rendered Great he would know something of every thing;" Britain, in seven years, from being practically and certainly his judgments in the Chancery self-supporting, dependent on foreign states, in Court will never be placed on a level with ordinary years for a seventh, in unfavorable those of Lord Eldon, or Lord St. Leonards, or ones for a fifth, of the national subsistence.* the other great masters of the law of equity. In two important particulars, however, his laBut it is a mistake to imagine that he proved bors have been attended with unmitigated good. a failure on the bench. It was not to be sup- He has been through life the zealous supportposed that a man of his extraordinary versatiler of the cause of general education, although ity of talent and variety of information should have acquired the vast store of precedents which can be mastered only by a powerful mind exclusively devoted to their acquisition; still less that he should be on a level with experienced equity lawyers, when the first time he entered the Chancery Court was in advanced years as its head. But his example, and the great ability which he has shown now for a quarter of a century in determining cases in the House of Peers, proves that an extensive acquaintance with precedents is not an indispensable requisite for a great Judge; and that strong natural talents, and habits of forensic debate, in a different branch of jurisprudence, may, when the cases are fully laid before him, sometimes enable the Judge to supply the want of early acquaintance with another branch of law. Lord Eldon's judgments on Scotch cases are universally regarded with the utmost respect by the Scotch bar, and yet he never practiced at it, and had little experience of appeal cases from that part of the island before being put on the Wool-sack.

If the legislative measures in which Lord

sectarian jealousy has hitherto much impeded the beneficent results of his efforts; and he has devoted his great powers, with equal judgment and success, to the great and difficult subject of Law Reform.

14.

His style of speaking, though always ener getic and powerful, affords the most striking contrast to that which his His style taste approves, and which he has uni- of oratory. formly recommended to the imitation of others. The last is condensed even to the confines of dryness; the first diffuse to those of excess. No one feels more strongly, or has expressed more emphatically, the manly simplicity of ancient oratory; and yet no one in his own speeches has deviated more completely from the style of Demosthenes, or overlaid ideas always forcible, often striking, by an overwhelming deluge of words. It would seem as if in his own style of oratory he was desirous, by the process of reductio ad absurdum, of estab lishing the truths of the general principles on eloquence which he has elsewhere inculcated.

*Consumed in British Islands, 1854:

By man

By animals and distillers.....

Qrs. 32,850,000 16,350,000

Qrs.

49.200.000

Produced

42,265,771

Imported on average of seven years,
ending 1852

6,929,786

Imported, 1853..

9.987,714

voce Great Britain.

these small shop-keepers chiefly dependent on the moneyed and commercial, instead of the landed and aristocratic class, 3. The vast extension of the commerce and manufactures of the country, which rendered the greater part of the boroughs, and many of the counties in the manufacturing districts, dependent on the employment furnished by the great manufacturing cities, not the purchases-M CULLOCH, in Encyclopædia Britannica, 9th edit,

made by the impoverished landlords in their vicinity.

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