« 前へ次へ »
or produce created by a class that its political | among the urban consumers as overturned the importance in the long run depends, but upon governments both of the elder and 10% the proportions of the income enjoyed by it younger branch of the house of Bour- Its exetooli which is clear of debt, and of realized capital, bon; thence an amount of suffering fication in which can at once be rendered available in a in the producing classes in the latter, France and
gland. contest, either by swaying seats in Parliament that has sent above three hundred Engi or influencing the press.
I thousand of the working class, for a course of As this ascendency of the moneyed class in years, annually out of the country, stopped the
Great Britain is obviously the re- growth of its population, and caused its colonial 165. Is this the sult of the magnitude of our realized provinces to take open steps to effect their inresult of a wealth, and that again has arisen from [dependence. These events will not be lost upon general law the liberty and prosperity we have posterity. The ruin of constitutional freedom of nature ?
* so long enjoyed, and the unexampled in France, the dissolution of the colonial emsuccess with which the war was attended, a pire of Great Britain, will be cheaply purchased very curious and in some respect melancholy if they impress upon mankind the eternal truths, consideration presents itself. “Is this change, that a real representation in government is the and the check to the interests of industry thence essential need of civilized man, and can never arising, the effect of a general and irresistible be refused without imminent danger; that unilaw of nature, applicable to all times when sim-formity in the suffrage inevitably induces class ilar circumstances arise, or is it the result of a government; that the ruinous nature of such casual combination of events in the British Isl-I government is in the direct proportion of the ands during the last half century? Is the trans- number admitted into the class; and that the ference of power from the land to the boroughs only way to avoid these evils is CLASS REPRESENTin England analogous to and produced by the ATION. The Roman system of giving every same causes as that which removed power from citizen a vote, but a vote only in his own centhe Roman senate, the strong-hold of the patri- tury, and ruling the state by the votes of the cians, to the Dictator, the representative and centuries, not the citizens, was the nearest ap idol of the urban multitude! and is the clamor proach to perfection in popular government for cheap bread, which in our times has changed ever yet made by man, and, beyond all doubt, the whole policy of the empire at bottom, the gave them the empire of the world. same as the cry, “Panem et Circenses !” which The true cause of the difficulties which have ruled the whole policy of the Cæsars, and in been felt as so embarrassing, both in 188 the end, by destroying the rural population in the British and French empires, in Great law its heart, subverted the Roman Empire? If so, the late stage of their political life, of nature on are we to rest in the mournful conclusion that when the formation of a new consti- the subject. the seeds of mortality are indelibly implanted tution in both was set about, is the operation in nations as well as individuals; that these of a great law of nature, intended to limit the seeds are quickened into life equally by victory growth of empires, and promote the dispersion and defeat, and that to both the lines of the of mankind. This law is the simple fact, that poet are precisely applicable:
whatever is plentiful becomes cheap, and money “The boast of heraldry, the pomp of power,
the very first of all things. The necessary efAnd all that virtue, all that wealth e'er gave,
|fect of this is, that labor becomes dear in the Await alike the inevitable hour:
rich and old state, and the necessaries of life The paths of glory lead but to the grave ?"
are raised at a more costly rate than in poor Without pronouncing decidedly on this deep-countries, where money is more scarce, and la
ly interesting question, upon which bor is cheap. The reciprocity system, the con166. Great polit
lit. the world is as yet too young to form traction of the currency, the free trade, were ical truth a conclusion that can be relied on, all efforts on the part of the moneyed classes to evolved by there is one truth which has been elude the operation of this law of nature; to the Reform
form completely demonstrated by the con- render production cheap, when the circumBill.
stitutionalexperience in thelast times, stances of society had rendered it dear. The both of France and England, of permanent im- effect of this difference of price between the portance to mankind, and which will largely cost of raising provisions in the old and young benefit the future generations of men. This is, state is, that if the country has the majority, s that a uniform representation is but another name strict system of protection is established, to for class government, and that the governing class keep ont the cheap food; if the towns, free will always be found in that which is immediately trade and the cheapening system is introduced, above the lowest line of the suffrage. In France, to let it in. when the line, under the Restoration, was drawn In either case a limit is imposed, when this by the payment of £12 a year of direct taxes, difference of price has become con- 169. that rusing class was found in sixty thousand siderable, to the growth of the state which is of the richest proprietors in the country, but and the extension of its population: intended to
limit popathe poorest in the enfranchised class--those in the one case by the check given lation in the paying from £12 to £20 direct taxes, who were to the industry of towns by dear later stages two-thirds of the ninety thousand electors. In corn, in the other to the inhabitants of society. England, by the Reform Bill, supreme power of the country by cheap; in the former case by was vested in persons in boroughs paying from the rivalry of foreign manufacturers, in the lat£10 to £20 rent; that is, the buying and sell- | ter by that of foreign cultivators. France has ing class, interested chiefly in beating down the recently exhibited an example of the former; cost of production.
Rome in ancient, and Great Britain in modern Thence a rigid system of protection in the times, are instances of the latter: and the pro former country, which produced such discontent digious transference now going on of the An
glo-Saxon race to America, attended by such view, and look upon it as the great means by vast effects to both hemispheres, is an illustra- which Providence, at the appointed season, artion of the all-powerful agency of this cause rests the growth of aged communities, transfers upon the fortunes of mankind. “However much the seeds of prosperity to distant lands, prowe may be disposed to regret this when our vides an outlet to over-peopled communities, own country alone is considered, we shall re- and lays the foundations in present suffering gard it in a very different light when the of the general dispersion and happiness of mangeneral progress of the species is taken into kind.
FRANCE AND EUROPE FROM THE ACCESSION OF LOUIS PHILIPPE IN 1630, TO THE OVERTHROW OF THE
KINGDOM OF THE NETHERLANDS IN THE SAME YEAR.
As great popular movements, such as the first destruction of mercantile and the confiscation
1. French Revolution, or the Reform of landed property, one class only 3 Objects to passion in England, never arise but had prospered, and exhibited the prosperity which great from the experience of serious public signs of general prosperity, amidst of the bourpopular movements evils, so they never fail to terminate, the penury with which it was sur- geois class. have been when successful, in the removal of rounded. All the little wealth that remained directed.
what appeared to have been the in the provinces had been amassed in the hands cause, and generally was so, of the public suf- of the merchants and shop-keepers; and in fering. The insurrection of 1789 was occasion- Paris the bankers and bourgeois class had been ed by the pride of the noblesse, and directed immensely enriched by the effects of the very against the distinctions of rank; and it term-pacification which to the nation generally had inated in their abolition. The reform move been the occasion of such bitter mortification. ment of England was induced by the selfish The bankers of the Chaussée d'Antin, the jew. policy of the holders of realized wealth, and elers of the Palais Royal, the dress-makers of it was directed against the borough proprie- the Rue St. Honoré, bad for the most part tors, through whom their power had been ex- made large fortunes from the expenditure of ercised; and it led to their abolition. The Rev. foreigners, chiefly English and Russians, who olution of 1830 was occasioned by the dread had flocked to Paris during the Restoration. of Jesuitical usurpation, and was meant to as- Nor was this prosperity in that class confined sert the freedom of thought; and it was direct to the metropolis; it had extended also to the ed against Charles X. and Prince Polignac, who principal commercial and manufacturing towns. were conceived to be the instruments in the The silk manufacturers of Lyons, the wine-merhands of that party. They accordingly were chants of Epernay and Bordeaux, the cottonoverthrown, and the throne of France remain- spinners of Rouen, had been enriched by the ed open, exposed to become the prize of some increasing demand for their various productions fortunate soldier, some audacious demagogue. springing from the long peace of the Continent, But it is by no means equally certain that a and the growth of wealth which had in conse
2. successful revolution will remove the quence taken place both in France and the adThe real real evils which afflict society, or joining states. In a word, the bourgeoisie of evils of so- that, even if it does really eradicate France had risen into wealth and importance ciety are not the
those which have previously been during the peace; an importance arising not Bo certainly removed by experienced, it may not induce oth- less from its own prosperity, than from the conthese con-' ers still more widespread and irreme-trast afforded by the general penury with which vulsions. diable. The remedy is sometimes it was surrounded. wrose than the disease. The warmest partisans But from this very prosperity had arisen anof the Revolution now admit that it has done other evil, which shook the very founlittle for the real causes of human distress, and dations of society, and induced a se. The interthat under another name, and belonging to a ries of causes and effects that imbit- ests of the different class, the oppressors of mankind have tered and at length terminated the ba
were adreappeared with undiminished power on the reign of the succeeding sovereign. verse to theatre of human events. The guillotine of the The bourgeois in towns, thus power- those of LaCommittee of Public Salvation, the confisca- ful by means of their wealth, their bor. tions of the Convention, the revolutionary law sway in elections, and their influence with the of succession, had destroyed the great proprie press, of which they were the chief, often the tors, and rendered impossible the reconstruc sole readers, had no interests in common with tion of their estates; but they had done no labor; on the contrary, their interests were adthing for the condition of the workmen, or the verse to it. Living by trade in goods or money, interests of the twenty-five millions of rural their interest was to buy cheap and sell dear; cultivators. On the contrary, their condition the very reverse of the workman, whose interhad become greatly worse than it was before est was to produce dear and buy cheap. Their the convulsions began; for the destruction of chief, often their only purchasers, were found capital had deprived industry of support, the among the dwellers in towns: the six millions division of income had halved its market. No. of peasants, living on freeholds which yielded thing remained to the poor but the cultivation them from £2 to £10 each, took little or noof their little bits of land, for the most part un- thing off their hands in the way of purchases. equal to the support of a family, and the fruits Hence the policy which the Goxernment purof which were wrenched from them by the sued to please the one, necessarily gave dissatruinons land-tax, often amounting to 20 per isfaction to the other. The working classes cent., but which was altogether irremovable, for trusted to the promises of the popular leaders, it had become the main stay of the revenue of and the representations of the press generally the state.
supported the movement which overthrew In the general confusion produced by the Charles X. and acquiesced in the installation
of the Citizen King. But they soon discovered the pyramid of society was based on its head. their mistake, and long and bitter were the But when the numerous and opulent ranks of regrets which the discovery occasioned. The the bourgeoisie were admitted into the adminreign of Louis Philippe was nothing but a long istration, and interested in its preservation, a contest between labor and capital-between the very different state of things presented itself. interests of production and those of consump- Government now stood upon a much wider bation; and the animosity between these different sis, and could calculate on the support of a more classes in the end became so great that it over numerous and energetic body of men. The turned his throne, and for a brief season estab- dense and thriving ranks of the bourgeoisie, inlished that of “Liberté, Egalité, et Fraternité” terested in power because they shared its spoils, in its stead.
gave it their cordial support; their wealth was This direful social contest, the most wide-poured into its coffers; their youth filled the
spread which can agitate any com- ranks of its National Guard ; their influence Effect of the munity, was rendered the more vio- I gave it the command of the Legislature. spread of lent in France at this period from the But this very circumstance, while for long it machinery, effect of the immense discoveries secured their ascendency, in the end steam, and which they were compelled to adopt exposed it to ruin. railways.
A class of society Dangers to from their industrious neighbors. which had come to monopolize, in re- which this Steam was then altering the face of the world ; turn for its support, the whole patron- led the discovery of Watt was changing the des- age of Government, ere long became the object tinies of mankind. However much the powers of envy. Louis Philippe experienced the truth of that mighty agent and the multiplication of of the old saying, that every place given away machinery may augment the industrial capa- made three discontented and one ungrateful. bilities of a nation, and add to the sum total | Even the commissions in an army soon raised of its wealth, it is in vain to assert that in the to 400,000 men, an expenditure increased from first instance at least it is not a very great | 900,000,000 francs (£36,000,000) to 1,500,000,000 drawback to the interests of labor. If one man |(£60,000,000), and the 130,000 civil offices in or woman can be brought by the aid of machin-the gift of the Tuileries, could not suffice for the ery to do the work of fifty men, what is to be wants of a nation in which Government employcome of the remaining forty-nine, especially in ment had become, from the effects of the Reva country which has no colonies or external olution, the sole means of advancement. The outlets for its industry? The entire produce rule of the bourgeoisie was overthrown in the may be greatly increased by such application, end in France, from the same jealousy of those but it never can be so in any thing like the pro- excluded from its emoluments which had proved portion in which the demand for labor is di- fatal to that of the borough-holders in England. minished. The common sense and experience Influence-in other words, corruption-became of mankind have every where taught them the the great engine of administration; M. Guizot sophistry of the hackneyed arguments put forth avowed and vindicated it upon the ground that, on this subject by the economical writers on the as all other influences were gone, that of selfish side of the capitalists, whose interest is cheap motives alone remained to uphold the Governproduction; and thence the constant hostility ment. But their mode of proceeding, however of the working classes in every country to the effective for a time, could not durably continue; introduction of the machinery by which their for no system can be permanent which is found labor is to be supplanted. Perhaps in the ended on class influence or interest. the rival interests of capital and labor may be When the government of Charles X. was adjusted, and the workmen thrown out by ma- overthrown, and he himself driven chinery in one line may find employment in into exile, three parties remained in The Repubanother; but this can only be the work of time, France, and divided society between licans: their and of a very gradual absorption of industry them. So equally were they bal- chances of under the most favorable circumstances. And anced, and so narrowly were the
the success. in France the circumstances, so far from being chances of each poised, that it was hard to say favorable, were just the reverse; for the Rev- with whom, in the scramble for power, the suolution bad at once destroyed the capital, swept preme authority would ultimately rest. Most away the colonies, and all but ruined the com formidable froni their resolution, and the commerce of the country; and the various vents mand which physical strength gave them of the which might take off the displaced labor of metropolis, tlie REPUBLICANS stood foremost on the nation were wholly awanting. Hence the the stage, and, to all appearance, were destined eighteen years from 1830 to 1848 were a period to carry off the prize. They had made the Revof almost ceaseless industrial distress in France, olution; it was their spirit which had animated and the animosity of the working classes against the masses, and thrown a hundred thousand the government of Louis Philippe was, almost armed workmen on the streets of Paris; to all from its very commencement, far greater than appearance, the crown and the government it had been against that of Charles X.
were at their disposal. Perhaps, if they had The same circumstances, however, which so possessed a leader of greater ambition or reso
6. fearfully augmented this general dis-lution, they might have secured it, and a new Increased content among the working classes, republic have restored, for a brief season, the strength of increased in a still greater degree the reign of anarchy in France, to be speedily sup
Govern- strength of the Government to resist planted by the vigor of despotism. But great ment.
it. As long as the monarchy stood as the chances of this party were, it had to con. on the remnant of the nobility and the increas. tend with as great difficulties. The recollection ing Parti-prêtre, as it did during the reign of of the Convention, the Reign of Terror, weighCharles X., it rested on a flimsy foundation ; 1 ed like an incubus on its energies. The workto sustain their exertions, this could it was necessary to fix upon a gov- Important The Orlean- not be said of the ORLEANISTS, who ernment, M. Glandevès, the Governor conversaists: their had both the one and the other. The of the Tuileries, waited on M. Lafitte, tion be
ing classes, especially in the great towns, were dem and the perils with which it was envirognearls unaniras in its favor; but it is not by d Bot no siriiar terrors or qualms of conthat class alone that a charge of government science paralyzi his etherents, who relieved erer has been or eter can be efieetei. Learl of all responsibat consequent on the change ers are required to direct ita strength, capital to of government, expected only to enjoy its resupport its effort, general concurrence to sane wanis 2 Lafitte, sod the ehief bankers and tion its undertaking These were all avant-'capitalists of Paris, belonged to this party, from ing to the Repablieans of 1930). The bankers the very obvious reason, that, by placing the had not risked their capital to let the fruits of Duke of Orleans on the throne, they would be the struggle be reaped by the proléaires; the placing themselves in the administration. They journalists were not disposed to cede their had powerful support from I Guizot, M. Thiers, places in the cabinet to the workmen; the and other able journalists, who also hoped to shop-keepers dreaded a stoppage of their sales, share in the spoils of victory, and, in truth, saw and the termination of the lucrative purchases no other mode of escape from the distracted of the English, from the establishment of a re-state of the country. The example of England public. All these classes were extremely will-spoke powerfully to the historie intellects of ing to use the workmen as auxiliaries, and to this influential elass of politicians, and it seemtake advantage of their courage and numbers ed to them almost an indication of providential to overthrow the Bourbons; and they lauded, will, that, when the elder branch of the Bour on every occasion, their valor and patriotisın bons, like the Stuarts, had lost the throne by to the skies; but they had no intention of the ambition of the Romish party, a younger sharing the fruits of victory with them. branch should remain to open to France a fuThe next party which stood prepared to dis- ture of freedom and prosperity.
pute the palm with the Republicans During these anxious daya, big with the fate The Nat was the NAPOLEOXISTS; but their of France and of Europe, the Duke of leonista chances at that period were decided. Orleans remained in privacy and ob- f
The Duke their l y inferior. They had, indeed, in their scurity in the neighborhood of Paris of Orleans chances. favor the mighty name of the Emper. He was neither at the Tuileries, where remains in or, and the magic of his glorious exploits; but honor and duty called him to stand tirement. though they spoke powerfully to the imagina- by bis sovereign and benefactor in the hour of tion of the young and ardent part of the peo-danger, nor at the Hôtel de Ville, where ample, their influence generally was by no means bition and selfishness might possibly open to so great as it has since become. The reason him the path to a throne by the overthrow of was, these events were too near; distance had that benefactor. Accurately informed by M. not “lent enchantment to the view." All men Lafitte and his other partisans of every thing of middle age could recollect the double cap- that was going forward in the capital, he get ture of Paris; a third visit of the Cossacks was kept aloof from its stirring scenes, and seemed present to every full-grown imagination. Add anxious only, in his elegant retirement of Neuilto this, that the King of Rome, sunk down into ly, to detach himself from the political strugthe modest title of Duke of Leuchtenberg, was gles in which, more than any human being in absent, under Austrian influence, in whose sery- existence, he was himself interested. In this ice he held a regiment, and no visible mem- there was no affectation; he really felt the wish ber of the Imperial family was at hand to di- to abstain from the strife which his conduct inrect or encourage its partisans. The party of dicated. He was consumed with anxiety, fearthe Republicans was based on a principle, but ful to take any decided step, and desirous to that of Napoleon II. was rested on a man; and receive the impress of events rather than imwithout the man a personal party can seldom press his signet-mark upon them. make any successful effort.
On the morning of the 30th July, when the If the Napoleonists wanted a head and wealth contest was obviously decided, and 10.
tween the chances. Duke of Orleans had obtained, from when the following conversation took Baron de the generous munificence of Charles X., the en- place between them. “Sir," said the Glandeves tire restoration of the immense estates of the baron to the banker, “you have now and Lafitte. family, and his expenditure, though great, was been master of Paris for twenty-four hoursstill within his ample income. Throughout all do you wish to save the monarchy?" "* Which the phases of the Revolution, a considerable monarchy, sir—that of 1789 or 1814?” “The party had adhered to this family, and it had constitutional monarchy.” “To save it, only been much increased on the Restoration, from one way remains, which is to crown the Duke of the apparent stability of the throne, and the Orleans.” “The Duke of Orleans! The Duke obvious chances of succession which they en-of Orleans-but do you know him!” “For fifjoyed from the precarious life of the infant teen years.” “Well, but what are his titles to Duke of Bordeaux, who alone stood between the crown? That boy whom Vienna has eduthem and its acquisition. To this party the cated can at least invoke the memory of his unwise proceedings of Charles X. and the Par- father's glory; and it must be admitted the ti-prêtre had long been the subject of close ob- passage of Napoleon has written his annals in servation and intense interest, and his fall seem-characters of fire upon the minds of men. But ed, as the death of the Duke of Bordeaux would what prestige surrounds the Duke of Orleans! have done, at once to open the crown to their do the people even know his history? How ambition. The Duke himself was irresolute, many of them have heard his name?" "I see and undecided between the attractions of a di-! in that a recommendation, and not a disadvant