mob of the capital. By another resolution General Bonaparterity, said to him, General, will you swear to the constituwas appointed commander-in-chief of the military division of tion of the year 11? Bonaparte then became animated: Paris, and charged with protecting the safe removal of the The Constitution! he cried out, you violated it on the councils. A message signifying this appointment, and 18th Fructidor [AUGEREAU], you violated it on the 22nd summoning him to appear before the elders, was carried Floréal, you violated it on the 30th Prairial. All parties to Bonaparte while he was in the midst of his military by turns have appealed to the Constitution, and all levee. He immediately mounted on horseback, and invited parties by turns have violated it. As we cannot preserve all the officers to follow him. The greater number did so; the Constitution, let us at least preserve liberty and equality, but Bernadotte and a few more declined the invitation. He then talked of conspiracies, of danger to the Republic, Bonaparte had been talking privately with Bernadotte, but &c. Several members insisted on the General_revealing could not win him over to his side; he found him as these conspiracies, explaining these dangers. Bonaparte, stubborn as a bar of iron.' (Bourienne.) Bonaparte having after some hesitation, named Moulins and Barras, who he given his orders to the adjutants of the various battalions said had proposed to him to take the lead in the conspiracy. of the national guards and to the commanding officers of This increased the vociferations among the members: 'The the regular troops which were formed in the Champs Elysées, General must explain himself, every thing must be told repaired to the Council of Elders, surrounded by a nume- before all France. But he had nothing to reveal. He rous retinue, among whom were Moreau, Berthier, Lannes, spoke of a party in the Council of Five Hundred which Murat, and Le Fèvre, who commanded the National Guards. wanted to re-establish the convention and the reign of terror. He told the council that they represented the wisdom of the His sentences became incoherent, he was confused, but at nation, that by their resolutions of that morning they had last he said, 'If any orator, paid by foreigners, attempts to saved the Republic, that he and his brave companions put me out of the pale of the law, let him beware! I shall would support them, and he swore this in his and their appeal to my brave companions, whose caps I perceive at names. Coming out of the hall he read to the assembled the entrance of this hall. Bourienne and Berthier advised troops the resolutions of the elders, which were received by him now to withdraw, and they came out together, when the soldiers with bursts of applause. Bonaparte was received with acclamations by the military assembled before the palace.

:

The Council of Five Hundred had also assembled. Its president. Lucien Bonaparte, read aloud the resignation of Barras, which had been forwarded by the Council of Elders. Some of the leaders then proposed to repeat the oath of fidelity to the Constitution, which was carried by acclamation. No dictator, no new Cromwell!' resounded through the hall. Augereau, who was present, went out and told Bonaparte what was passing in the council. You have placed yourself in a pretty situation.-'Augereau, replied Bonaparte, remember Arcole; things appeared still worse there at one time. Keep quiet, and in half an hour you will see.' He then entered the Council of the Five Hundred, acthe entrance, he advanced towards the middle of the hall, uncovered. He was received with loud and indignant vociferations. We will have no dictator, no soldiers in the sanetuary of the laws. Let him be outlawed! he is a traitor!' Bonaparte attempted to speak, but his voice was drowned in the general clamour. He was confused, and seemed uncertain what to do. Several members crowded around him; a cry of 'Let us save our General!' was heard coming from the door of the hall, and a party of grenadiers rushed in, placed Bonaparte in the midst of them, and brought him

Meantime the three directors, Barras, Moulins, and Gohier, who remained at the Luxembourg, after Sieyes and Ducos had gone to the Tuileries, and given in their resignation, became alarmed. They had no force at their disposal; even their own personal guard had deserted them. Barras sent his secretary Bottot to endeavour to negociate with Bonaparte. The general received him in public in the midst of his officers, and assuming the tone of an angry master upbraided the directors with their misconduct :• What have you done with that France which I left to you prosperous and glorious? I left her at peace, and I find her at war; I left her triumphant, and I find nothing but spoliations and misery. What have you done with a hundred thousand Frenchmen whom I left behind, my com-companied by four grenadiers. The soldiers remained at panions in arms and in glory? They are no more. . . He then signified to Bottot in private his friendly sentiments towards Barras, and assured him of his personal protection if he immediately abdicated. Talleyrand had meantime seen Barras, who, fearing perhaps to expose himself to an investigation of his official conduct, consented to resign. He wrote a letter to the Council of Elders to that effect, and then set off for his estate in the country under an escort which Bonaparte gave him. [BARRAS.] Gohier and Moulins being thus left alone did not constitute the number required by the constitution in order to give to their de-out of the hall. One of the grenadiers had his coat torn in liberations the authority of an executive council. Moreau was sent by Bonaparte to guard the palace of the Luxembourg, and in fact to keep the two directors prisoners there.

The Council of Five Hundred having met at 10 o'clock on the same day, received a message from the elders, adjourning the sitting to St. Cloud for the next day. They separated amidst cries of The Republic and the Constitution for ever!'

Fouché, the minister of police, Cambaceres, minister of justice, Talleyrand, and other influential men, seconded the views of Bonaparte and of Sieyes. The power of the directory was at an end. The question was, what form of government should be substituted for it. It was agreed at last that the council should adjourn themselves to the following year, after appointing a commission for the purpose of framing a new constitution, and that meantime an executive should be formed consisting of three consuls, Sieyes, Ducos, and Bonaparte. These measures it was known would obtain a majority in the Council of Elders, but would meet with a determined opposition in that of the Five Hundred.

On the 19th Brumaire (10th November) the councils assembled at St. Cloud. The republican minority in the Council of Elders complained loudly of the hasty and irregular convocation of the preceding day. In the midst of the debate Bonaparte appeared at the bar, accompanied by Berthier and his secretary Bourienne, the latter of whom gives an account of the scene. He told the deputies that they were treading upon a volcano, that he and his brethren in arms came to offer their assistance, that his views were disinterested, and yet,' he added, 'I am calumniated, I am compared to Cromwell, to Cæsar. This was uttered in a rambling, broken manner. Linglet, one of the mino

struggling with a deputy; but the story of the daggers drawn against Bonaparte appears to be unfounded. In the confusion of the moment Bonaparte may have fancied it. Lucien, after the departure of his brother, attempted to pacify the council, but the exasperation of the members was too great. A motion was put to outlaw General Bonaparte. Lucien refused to put it to the vote, saying, 'I cannot outlaw my own brother,' and he deposited the insignia of president, and left the chair. He then asked to be heard in his brother's defence, but he was not listened to. At this moment, a party of grenadiers sent by Napoleon entered the hall. Lucien put himself in the midst of them, and they marched out. He found the military outside already exasperated at the treatment their general had received. Lucien mounted on horseback, and in a loud voice cried out to them, that factious men, armed with daggers, and in the pay of England, had interrupted by violence the deliberations of the Council of Five Hundred, and that he, in his quality of president of that assembly, requested them to employ force against the disturbers. I proclaim that the assembly of the Five Hundred is dissolved. This address of Lucien decided the business. The soldiers felt no more scruples in obeying the orders of the president. Murat entered the hall of the Council, at the head of a detachment of grenadiers with fixed bayonets. He summoned the deputies to disperse, but was answered by loud vociferations, execrations, and shouts of The Republic for ever! The drums were then ordered to beat, and the soldiers to clear the hall. They levelled their muskets, and advanced to the charge. The deputies now fled, many jumped out of the windows, others went out quietly by the door. In a few minutes the hall was entirely cleared. In this affair the military were the instruments, and Lucien

the chief director. It is well here to quote the words of Lucien, who after a lapse of thirty-five years, filled with strange vicissitudes, has lately reverted to the subject in a pamphlet in answer to General Lamarque's Memoirs. We were convinced that the immense majority of the French would approve our proceedings, but our audacity did not wait for the legal manifestation of the wishes of France, and for this we hesitated. . . . The conqueror of so many battles was for a moment confused, not as it has been absurdly asserted through weakness, but because he was going to usurp a right which he had not then,-the right of dissolving the legislature; we hesitated because we had in view the scaffold and the stigma of traitors, which would have been our lot had we failed, without having time to take the votes of the nation upon our bold attempt. If Napoleon wavered a moment, he soon conquered his hesitation; we braved the scaffold, and all France gave us a bill of indemnity by raising my brother to the consulate, and afterwards (unluckily perhaps) to the empire. (Réponse de Lucien Bonaparte, Prince de Canino, aux Memoires du General Lamarque, London, 1835). And in another place he says, that the appeal of the councils to the constitution was an inconsistency, as that constitution had been already violated by themselves on the 18th Fructidor (1797). On that day the legality of the councils was lost; the inviolability of the Council of Five Hundred could only have continued as long as that assembly kept within the pale of the constitution. Beyond this there is no more legality for any one of the branches of the legislature. One might go further back than the 18th Fructidor, and question the legality of the 13th Vendemiaire, in which Bonaparte had acted a conspicuous part. But to talk of legality in France, after the overthrow of the constitutional monarchy in 1792, would be merely a waste of time.

On the night of the same day (19th Brumaire) the elders assembled again, and agreed that a provisional executive of three consuls should be appointed. The initiative however belonging to the other council, Lucien assembled a small minority, some say only thirty members, out of Five Hundred, who on that night passed several resolutions, by one of which it was stated that there was no longer a directory. By another, a list of the more ardent republican members was drawn up, who were declared to have forfeited their seats in consequence of their violence and their crimes. By another, three provisional consuls were appointed, Sieyes, Ducos, and Bonaparte. At one o'clock in the morning, Bonaparte took the oath before the council. At three o'clock the two councils adjourned for three months, after appointing a commission to revise the constitution.

one-fifth of whom was to be renewed every year, and of a
tribunate of 100 members, one-fifth to be renewed every year.
The consuls, or rather the first or chief consul (for the other
two were appointed by him and acted only as his advisers
and assistants, but could not oppose his decisions), proposed
the laws, the tribunate discussed them in public, and either
approved of or rejected them; if it approved, it made a re-
port accordingly to the legislative body, which voted by
ballot on the project of law without discussing it. If the
proposed law obtained a majority of votes, the senate re-
gistered it, and the consuls, in their quality of executive,
promulgated it. The sittings of the senate were secret ;
those of the legislative body were dumb; the tribunate was
therefore the only deliberative assembly in the state, but it
had not the power of originating laws; it could however
denounce the measures of the government by an address
to the senate. The members of the tribunate were ap-
pointed by the senate out of lists of candidates made out
by the electoral colleges. The senate filled its own vacancies
from a triple list of candidates,-one proposed by the chief
consul, one by the tribunate, and one by the legislative
body. As for the legislative body, the members were se-
lected by the senate out of lists of candidates furnished by
the electoral colleges of the departments. The people there-
fore had no direct election of their representatives. This was
the essential anomaly of Sieyes's plan of a constitution styled
republican. With regard to the executive, Sieyes had de-
vised a curious plan, which however was not adopted by the
commission. He proposed a chief magistrate called Grand
Elector, whose only prerogative was to appoint two consuls,
one for the civil and the other for the military department.
The two consuls were to be independent of each other as
well as of the great elector, who was to enjoy his dignity as
a sinecure with a large salary of several millions of francs.
Bonaparte exclaimed against the whole scheme, ridiculed it,
and treated it as an absurdity. The majority of the com-
mission gave it up, and resorted to the plan already men-
tioned of three consuls appointed for ten years and re-
eligible, the first or chief one having the power of appoint-
ing to all public offices, and of proposing all public measures,
such as war or peace: he commanded the forces of every
description, superintended both the internal and foreign
departments of the state, &c. The granting of these vast
powers met with some opposition in the commission, but
Bonaparte sternly overcame them by declaring that if they
attempted to weaken the power of the executive, he would
have nothing more to do in the business, that he was already
first consul, and hinted that a civil war might be the result
of further opposition. The commission accordingly yielded
to his views. In fact, most men were tired of revolutions,
and they felt the necessity of a strong executive in order to
re-establish order and internal security.

Every thing was now quiet at St. Cloud, and Bonaparte
returned to Paris with Bourienne. After quieting the
anxiety of his wife, he told Bourienne that he thought he
had spoken some nonsense while before the councils. I
had rather speak to soldiers than to lawyers. These fellows
really put me out of countenance, I have not the habit of
speaking before large assemblies. But the habit will come
by and bye. On the evening of the following day, Bona-nator, with the yearly salary of 25,000 francs, and the do-
parte took up his residence in the Luxembourg, the palace
of the ex-directors.

The fall of the Directorial Government, however irregularly brought about, was certainly not a subject of regret for the great majority of the French people, who had neither respect for it nor any confidence in it. The profligacy and dishonesty of that government were notorious. [DIRECTOIRE EXECUTIF.]

Bonaparte being thus appointed, or rather confirmed, m his office of first consul or chief magistrate, had the right of naming the other two; he offered Sieyes one of the places, but Sieyes declined the offer. He accepted the place of semain of Crosne, in the park of Versailles, belonging to the state. Bonaparte appointed Cambacères and Lebrun second and third consuls. They, together with Sieyes and Ducos, late consuls, appointed the majority of the members of the senate, who themselves appointed the remainder. The senate next named the 100 tribunes and the 300 members of the legislative body, and thus the whole legislature was filled up at once under the plea of urgency, as there was no time to wait At the first sitting of the three consuls Sieyes having for the lists of candidates to be named by the departments. said something about a president, Ducos immediately re- (Constitution of the Year VIII. in Appendix to Gourplied, The General takes the chair of course.' Bonaparte gaud's Memoirs of Napoleon.) The constitution was subthen began to state his views on the various branches of the mitted to the acceptation of the people in every commune, and administration and on the policy to be pursued by the registers were opened for the purpose at the offices of the government, and supported them in a firm authoritative various local authorities: 3,012,569 voters were registered, tone. Ducos of course assented, and from that moment out of which number 1562 rejected, and 3,011,007 accepted Sieyes perceived that his own influence was at an end: he the new constitution, which was then solemnly proclaimed told his friends that they had given themselves a master, on the 24th December, 1799. Although the number of and that Bonaparte could and would manage every thing favourable voters did not constitute in fact anything like himself and in his own way. The three consuls, in conone-half of the French citizens above twenty-one years of junction with the commission appointed by the councils, age, yet as all had had the option of registering their votes, framed a new constitution, which was called the constitution it was considered that those who did not choose to do so, of the year VIII. The outline, with regard to the legis- either did not care about the matter, or tacitly approved of lative power, was taken from a plan of Sieyes. It consisted the new form of government. The number of favourable of three consuls, of a senate called conservative, and com- votes on this occasion was much greater than that in favour posed of eighty members appointed for life and enjoying a of the former constitutions of 1792 and of the year III. considerable salary, of a legislative body of 300 members, Bonaparte did not altogether approve of Sieyes's constitu

France was still at war with Austria, England, and the Porte. Bonaparte sent Duroc on a mission to Berlin, by which he confirmed Prussia in its neutrality. The Emperor Paul of Russia had withdrawn from the confederation after the battle of Zürich, 25th September, 1799, in which Massena gained a victory over the Russian army. Bonaparte now wrote a letter to the king of England, expressing a wish for peace between the two nations. Lord Grenville, secretary of ing doubts as to the stability of the present government of France, an uncertainty which would affect the security of the negotiations; 'but disclaiming at the same time any claim to prescribe to France what shall be the form of her government, or in whose hands she shall vest the authority necessary for conducting the affairs of a great and powerful nation. His Majesty looks only to the security of his own dominions and those of his allies, and to the general safety of Europe. Whenever he shall judge that such security can in any manner be attained, His Majesty will eagerly embrace the opportunity to concert with his allies the means of immediate and general pacification. Unhappily no such security hitherto exists; no sufficient evidence of the principles by which the new government of France will be directed, no reasonable grounds by which to judge of its stability. This correspondence was the subject of animated debates in the British parliament. (Parliamentary Register for the year 1800.)

tion, although he had greatly modified it by strengthening the executive to a vast extent. 'Napoleon,' thus he spoke afterwards of himself at St. Helena, was convinced that France could only exist as a monarchy: but the French people being more desirous of equality than of liberty, and the very principle of the revolution being established in the equalization of all classes, there was of necessity a complete abolition of the aristocracy. If it was difficult to construct a republic on a solid basis without an aristocracy, the diffi-state for foreign affairs, returned an evasive answer, expressculty of establishing a monarchy was much greater. To form a constitution in a country without any kind of aristocracy would be as vain as to attempt to navigate in one element only. The French revolution undertook to solve a problem as difficult as the direction of a balloon.... The ideas of Napoleon were fixed, but the aid of time and events were necessary for their realization. The organization of the consulate presented nothing in contradiction to them: it taught unanimity, and that was the first step. This point gained, Napoleon was quite indifferent as to the forms and denominations of the several constituted bodies; he was a stranger to the revolution; it was natural that the will of those men who had followed it through all its phases should prevail in questions as difficult as they were abstract. The wisest plan was to go on from day to day without deviating from one fixed point, the polar star by which Napoleon meant to guide the revolution to the haven he desired. (Memoirs of Napoleon, dictated to Gourgaud, vol. i.) The above sentences furnish a clue to Bonaparte's subsequent policy with regard to the internal administration of France. Towards the end of January, 1800, Bonaparte removed from the palace of the Luxembourg to the Tuileries. Of his public entrance into that royal residence amidst the acclamations of the multitude Madame de Stael has given a striking account.

The finances were left by the Directory in a wretched state: the treasury was empty; forced loans arbitrarily assessed had been till then the chief resource of the government. Gaudin, the new minister appointed by Bonaparte, repealed the odious system, for which he substituted 25 per cent. additional upon all contributions direct or indirect. Confidence being thus restored, the merchants and bankers of Paris supplied a loan of twelve millions, the taxes were paid without difficulty, the sales of national domains were resumed, and money was no longer wanting for the expenses of the state. Cambacères continued to be minister of justice. The tyrannical law of hostages, by which nearly 200,000 Frenchmen were placed out of the pale of the law because they happened to be relatives of emigrants or of Vendeans, and were made answerable for the offences of the latter, was repealed. About 20,000 priests who had been banished or imprisoned were allowed to return, or were set at liberty on taking the oath of fidelity to the established government. All persons arrested on mere suspicion, or for their opinions, were set free. Opinions,' said Bonaparte, are not amenable to the law; the right of the sovereign extends only to the exaction of obedience to the laws.'

The subordinate situations under government were filled with men from all parties, chosen for their fitness. We are creating a new æra,' said Bonaparte; of the past we must remember only the good, and forget the evil. Times, habits of business and experience, have formed many able men and modified many characters. Agreeably to this principle, Fouché was retained as minister of police. Berthier was made minister at war instead of Dubois Crancé, the minister of the Directory, who could give no returns of the different corps, and who answered all questions by saying- We neither pay, nor victual, nor clothe the army; it subsists and clothes itself by requisitions on the inhabitants."

The churches which had been closed by the Convention were re-opened, and Christian worship was allowed to be performed all over France. The Sabbath was again recognised as a day of rest, the law of the Decades was repealed, and the computation by weeks resumed. The festival of the 21st January, being the anniversary of the death of Louis XVI., was discontinued. The oath of hatred to royalty was suppressed as useless, now that the republic was firmly established and acknowledged by all, and as being an obstacle to the good understanding between France and the other powers. At the same time the sentence of transportation passed on the 19th Brumaire, on fifty-nine members of the former Council of Five Hundred, was changed into their remaining at a distance from Paris, under the surveillance of the police.

Bonaparte had made the overture in compliance with the general wish for peace, but he says himself that he was not sorry it was rejected, and that the answer from London filled him with secret satisfaction, as war was necessary to maintain energy and union in the state, which was ill organized, as well as his own influence over the imaginations of the people.' (Montholon, Memoirs of Napoleon, vol. i. note on Pitt's policy.) Bonaparte at the same time succeeded in putting an end to the civil war in La Vendée: he entered into negotiations with the principal Vendean chiefs, offering a complete amnesty for the past, and at the same time he sent troops to La Vendée to put down any further resistance. The royalist party had gained considerable strength; owing to the weak and immoral policy of the Directory, many officers of the republic, both civil and military, had entered into correspondence with it, because, as they confessed to Bonaparte, they preferred anything to anarchy, and the return of the reign of terror. But the temperate and yet firm policy of the first consul effected a great alteration in public opinion. The Vendeans themselves were affected by it. The principal of them, Chatillon, D'Autichamp, the Abbé Bernier, Bourmont, and others, made their peace with the government by the treaty of Montluçon in January, 1800. Georges capitulated to General Brune, and the Vendean war was at an end.

Bonaparte now turned all his attention to the war against Austria. He gave to Moreau the command of the army of the Rhine, and himself assumed the direction of that of Italy. Massena was shut up in Genoa, and the Austrians under General Melas occupied Piedmont and the Genoese territory as far as the French frontiers. Bonaparte made a demonstration of assembling an army of reserve at Dijon in Burgundy, which was composed of a few thousand men, chiefly conscripts or old invalids. The Austrians, lulled into security, continued their operations against Genoa and towards Nice, while Bonaparte secretly directed a number of regiments from the interior of France to assemble in Switzerland on the banks of the Lake of Geneva. He himself repaired to Lausanne on the 13th of May, and marched, with about 36,000 men and forty pieces of cannon, up the Great St. Bernard, which had till then been considered impracticable for the passage of an army, and especially for artillery. The cannons were dismounted, put into hollow trunks of trees, and dragged by the soldiers; the carriages were taken to pieces, and carried on mules. The French army descended to Aosta, turned the fort of Bard, and found itself in the plains of Lombardy, in the rear of Melas' Austrian army, which was south of the Po, and intercepting its communications with the Austrian States. Bonaparte entered Milan on the 2nd of June, without meeting with any opposition, and was there joined by other divisions which had passed by the Simplon and the St. Gothard. He now marched to meet Melas, who had hastily assembled his army near Alessandria, Passing the Po at Piacenza he drove back Melas advanced guard at Casteggio near Voghera, and took a position in the plain of Marengo, on the right bank of the river Bor

mida in front of Alessandria. On the 14th of June Melas | ists and republicans were dissatisfied with his dictatorship. crossed the Bormida in three columns, and attacked the Joseph Arena, a Corsican, and brother of Bartolomeo Arena French. The Austrians carried the village of Marengo, of the Council of Five Hundred, who had warmly opposed and drove the French back upon that of San Giuliano, Bonaparte on the 19th Brumaire, Ceracchi and Diana, which was attacked by a column of 5000 Hungarian grena- Italian refugees, and several other violent republicans, diers. At four o'clock in the afternoon the battle seemed formed a conspiracy against Bonaparte's life; but they lost to the French, who were retiring on all points, and in were discovered and imprisoned. Soon after a fresh conconsiderable disorder, when Desaix arriving with a fresh spiracy of the royalists, some say of the royalists and Jacodivision attacked the advancing column, while the younger bins united, was near terminating the life of the first consul. Kellerman with a body of heavy horse charged it in flank. As Bonaparte was passing in his carriage through the Rue The column was broken, and General Zach, the Austrian Nicaise on his way to the Opera, 24th December, 1800, a second in command, and his staff, were taken prisoners. tremendous explosion of several barrels of gunpowder in a The commander-in-chief, Melas, an old and gallant officer, waggon, that was drawn up on one side of the street, destroyed exhausted with fatigue, and thinking the battle won, several houses and killed many persons. Bonaparte's carriage had just left the field and returned to Alessandria. The had just passed, owing to the furious driving of the coachman, other French divisions now advanced in their turn, a panic who was half intoxicated, and who made his way through spread among the Austrians, who, after fighting hard all all obstacles that had been purposely placed on the road. day, had thought themselves sure of victory, and they fled The police discovered the conspirators, who were fanatical in confusion towards the Bormida, many being trampled royalists connected with the Chouans in the west of France. down by their own cavalry, which partook of the general They were tried and executed. At the same time Arena and disorder. The Austrian official report stated their loss in his republican friends, who had been already found guilty, killed, wounded, and prisoners at 9069 men, and 1423 although, it was said, upon evidence not quite conclusive, horses. The French stated their own loss at 4000 only, were brought out of their confinement and executed. By a and that of the Austrians at 12,000. But the loss of Senatus Consultum, for such the decrees of the Senate were the French must have been greater. Desaix was shot styled, 130 known leaders of the old Jacobin party, several through the breast in the charge; he fell from his horse, and of whom had participated in the atrocities of the reign of telling those around him not to say anything to his men, he terror, were ordered to be transported beyond the seas. Boexpired. He and Kellerman turned the fate of the battle. naparte expressed his determination to put down both An armistice was concluded on the 16th of June between Jacobins and Bourbonists. A law passed the legislative the two armies, by which Melas was allowed to withdraw body empowering the executive to banish from Paris, and his troops to the line of Mantua and the Mincio, the French even from France, persons who should express opinions keeping Lombardy as far as the river Oglio. Melas, on his inimical to the present government. By another law, which side, gave up Piedmont and the Genoese territory, with all passed the Tribunate by a majority of only eight, and was their fortresses, including Genoa and Alessandria, to the afterwards sanctioned by the legislative body, special crimiFrench. nal courts were established to try all persons accused of treason against the state. The secret police was now organised with the utmost skill by Fouché, and numerous informers from all classes were taken into its pay. Besides the general police, there was a military police, and another police establishment under Bonaparte himself, in his own household.

Bonaparte having established provisional governments at Milan, Turin, and Genoa, returned to Paris, where he arrived on the 3rd of July, and was received with the greatest enthusiasm. The battle of Marengo had wonderfully consolidated his power, and increased his influence on the opinion of the French. Negotiations for peace took place between Austria and France; Austria however refused to treat without England, and Bonaparte demanded an armistice by sea as a preliminary to the negotiations with England. Malta and Egypt were then on the point of surrendering to the English, and Bonaparte wished to send reinforcements to those countries during the naval armistice. This was refused by England, and hostilities were resumed by sea and by land. Moreau defeated the Austrians commanded by the Archduke John, in the great battle of Hohenlinden, and advanced towards Vienna. The French in Italy drove the Austrians beyond the Adige and the Brenta. (For all this war of 1800 see Précis des Evenemens Militaires, par Mathieu Dumas.)

Austria was now obliged to make a separate peace. The treaty of Luneville, 9th February, 1801, arranged by the two plenipotentiaries, Count Cobentzel and Joseph Bonaparte, was mainly grounded on that of Campoformio. Austria retained the Venetian territories, but Tuscany was taken away from the Grand Duke Ferdinand, and bestowed upon Louis, son of the Duke of Parma, who had married a princess of Spain. Through the mediation of the Emperor Paul of Russia, with whom Bonaparte was now on very friendly terms, the king of Naples also obtained peace. The new pope, Pius VII., was likewise acknowledged by Bonaparte, and left in full possession of his territories, except the legations which had been annexed to the Cisalpine republic. In the course of the same year negotiations were begun with England, where Mr. Addington had succeeded Mr. Pitt as prime minister. Egypt and Malta having surrendered to the English, the chief obstacles to peace were removed. The preliminaries of peace were signed at Paris on the 10th of October, 1801, and the definitive treaty was signed at Amiens, 27th of March, 1802. The principal conditions were, that Malta should be restored to the Knights of St. John, and the forts be occupied by a Neapolitan garrison. The independence of the Cisalpine, Batavian, Helvetic, and Ligurian republics was guaranteed. Egypt was restored to the sultan, the Cape of Good Hope to Holland, and the French West India Islands to France. England retained the island of Ceylon.

Bonaparte had shown at this period an earnest desire for peace, which France stood greatly in need of. Both royal

In April, 1801, a general amnesty was granted to all emigrants who chose to return to France and take the oath of fidelity to the government within a certain period. From this amnesty about 500 were excepted, including those who had been at the head of armed bodies of royalists, those who belonged to the household of the Bourbon princes, those French officers who had been guilty of treason, and those who had held rank in foreign armies against France. The property of the returned emigrants which had not been sold was restored to them. Another conciliatory measure was the concordat concluded between Joseph Bonaparte and Cardinal Consalvi, which was signed by Pius VII. in September, 1801. The pope made several concessions seldom if ever granted by his predecessors. He suppressed many bishoprics, he sanctioned the sale of church property which had taken place, he superseded all bishops who had refused the oath to the republic, and he agreed that the first consul should appoint the bishops, subject to the approbation of the pontiff, who was to bestow upon them the canonical institution. The bishops, in concert with the government, were to make a new distribution of the parishes of their respective dioceses, and the incumbents appointed by them were to be approved by the civil authorities. The bishops, as well as the incumbents, were to take the oath of fidelity to the government, with the clause of revealing any plots they might hear of against the state. With these conditions it was proclaimed, on the part of the French government, that the Catholic religion was that of the majority of Frenchmen; that its worship should be free, public, and protected by the authorities, but under such regulations as the civil power should think proper to prescribe for the sake of public tranquillity; that its clergy should be provided for by the state; that the cathedrals and parish churches should be restored to them. The total abolition of convents was also confirmed. This concordat was not agreed to by the pope without some scruples, nor without much opposition from several of the theologians and canonists of the court of Rome. (Compendio Storico sù Pio VII, Milan, 1824; and also Botta, Storia d'Italia del 1789 al 1814.) On Easter Sunday, 1802, the concordat was published at Paris, together with a decree of regulations upon matters of discipline, which were so worded as to make

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