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them appear part of the text of the original concordat. The regulations were that no bull, brief, or decision from Rome should be acknowledged in France without the previous approbation of the government; no nuncio or apostolic commissioner to appear in France, and no council to be held without a similar consent; appeals against abuses of discipline to be laid before the council of state; professors of seminaries to subscribe to the four articles of the Gallican Church of 1682; no priest to be ordained unless he be twenty-five years of age, and have an income of at least 300 francs; and lastly, that the grand vicars of the respective dioceses should exercise the episcopal authority after the demise of the bishop, and until the election of his successor, instead of vicars elected ad hoc by the respective chapters, as prescribed by the Council of Trent. This last article grieved most the court of Rome, as it affected the spiritual jurisdiction of the church. The pope made remonstrances, to which Bonaparte turned a deaf ear. Regulations concerning the discipline of the Protestant churches in France were issued at the same time with those concerning the Catholic church. The Protestant ministers were also paid by the state.

On the occasion of the solemn promulgation of the concordat in the cathedral of Nôtre Dame the Archbishop of Aix officiated, and Bonaparte attended in full state. The old generals of the republic had been invited by Berthier in the morning to attend the levee of the first consul, who took them unawares with him to Nôtre Dame. Bonaparte said at St. Helena that he never repented having signed the concordat: that it was a great political measure; that it gave him influence over the pope, and through him over a great part of the world, and especially over Italy, and that he might one day have ended by directing the pope's councils altogether. Had there been no pope,' he added, 'one ought to have been made for the occasion. (Gourgaud and Las Cases. See also a copy of the concordat in the appendix to Montholon's Memoirs, vol. i.)

Bonaparte established an order of knighthood both for military men and civilians, which he called the Legion of Honour. This measure met with considerable opposition in the tribunate. At the first renewal of one-fifth of the members of that body, the senate contrived to eject the most decided members of the opposition.

In January, 1802, Bonaparte convoked together at Lyons the members of the provisional government of the Cisalpine republic, together with deputations of the bishops, of the courts of justice, of the universities and academies, of the several towns and departments, and the national guards, of the regular army, and of the chambers of commerce. The number of deputies amounted to about 500, out of whom a commission of thirty members was selected, which made a report to the first consul of France on the actual state of the Cisalpine republic. The report stated, that owing to the heterogeneous parts of which that republic was composed, there was a want of confidence among them; that the republic was in a state of infancy, which required for some time to come the tutelary support of France; and it ended by requesting that the first consul would assume the chief direction of its affairs. Bonaparte then repaired to the hall of the deputies, and delivered a speech which was an echo of the report: he agreed with all its conclusions, and confirmed them in more positive language. He told them that they should still be protected by the strong arm of the first nation in Europe, and that as he found no one among them who had sufficient claims to the chief magistracy, he was willing to assume the direction of their affairs, with the title of President of the Italian Republic, and to retain it as long as circumstances should require it. The new constitution of the Italian republic was then proclaimed: three electoral colleges-1. of proprietors; 2. of the learned; 3. of the merchants-represented the nation, and appointed the members of the legislature and the judges of the upper courts. The legislative body of seventyfive members voted without discussion on the projects of law presented to it by the executive. There were two councils, under the names of Consulta of State and Legislative Council, which examined the projects of law proposed by the president, the treaties with foreign states, &c. The principal difference between this constitution and that of France was in the composition of the electoral colleges, they being selected in Italy by classes, and in France by communes and departments, without distinction of classes; and also that in Italy there was no tribunate to discuss the projects

of law proposed by the executive. As to the rest, the election of members to the legislature in both countries was not made by the body of the people: in both, the executive power had the exclusive right of proposing the laws; in both the government was monarchical, under republican names, and tempered by constitutional forms. The president was for ten years, and re-eligible. He appointed to all civil and military offices, transacted all diplomatic affairs, &c. Bonaparte appointed Melzi d'Eril as vice-president, to reside at Milan in his absence. This choice was generally approved of. Bonaparte gave also a new constitution to the Ligurian or Genoese republic, similar to that of the Italian republic: he did not assume the chief magistracy himself, but placed a native doge at the head of the state. On the 2nd August, 1802, Bonaparte was proclaimed con sul for life by a decree of the senate, which was sanctioned by the votes of the people in the departments to the number of three millions and a half. A few days after, another Senatus Consultum appeared, altering the formation of the electoral bodies, reducing the tribunate to fifty members, and paving the way in fact for absolute power. The Mémoires sur le Consulat, by Thibaudeau, explain the intrigues that took place at the time.

Switzerland was at this time distracted by civil war. The French troops had evacuated the country after the peace of Amiens, but the spirit of dissension among the different cantons remained. Bonaparte called to Paris deputations from every part of Switzerland, and after listening to their various claiins, he told them that he would mediate among them: he rejected the schemes of unity and uniformity, saying, that nature itself had made Switzerland for a federal country; that the old forest cantons, the democracies of the Alps, being the cradle of Helvetic liberty, still formed the chief claim of Switzerland to the sympathies of Europe. Destroy those free primitive commonwealths, the monument of five centuries, he added, and you destroy your historical associations, you become a mere common people, liable to be swamped in the whirlpool of European politics." The new Helvetic federation was formed of nineteen cantons on the principle of equal rights between towns and country, the respective constitutions varying however according to localities. The general Diets of the confederation were re-established. The neutrality of Switzerland was recognized; no foreign troops were to touch its territory; but the Swiss were to maintain a body of 16,000 men in the service of France, as they formerly did under the old monarchy. Bonaparte assumed the title of Mediator of the Helvetic league. He retained however Geneva and the bishoprick of Basle, which had been seized by the Directory, and he separated the Valais, which he afterwards aggregated to France. To the end of his reign Bonaparte respected the boundaries of Switzerland, as settled by the act of mediation; that and little San Marino were the only Republics in Europe whose independence he maintained.

Bonaparte had directed a commission of lawyers of the first eminence under the presidency of Cambacères to frame or digest a code of civil laws for France. He himself frequently attended their meetings, and took great interest in the discussions. The result of their labours was the Civil Code, which has continued ever since to be the law of France. It was styled Code civil des Français, and it was accompanied by a Code de procédure. A Code penal, accompanied likewise by a Code d'instruction criminelle, a commercial code [AZUNI], and a military code, were afterwards compiled and promulgated under Bonaparte's administration. These several codes, which are very different in their respective merits, and are often confusedly designated by the name of Code Napoleon, will form the subject of a separate article. [CODE.] The Civil Code is considered by far the best, and constitutes perhaps the most useful bequest of Bonaparte's reign.

The various branches of public instruction also attracted Bonaparte's attention, though in very unequal proportions. The task of providing elementary education was thrown upon the communes, but the communes being mostly very poor, the establishment of primary schools met with many diffi culties, and elementary education remained in a languishing and precarious state during the whole of Napoleon's reign. Several reports delivered by the councillor of state, Fourcroy, to the legislative body under the consulate and the empire, show the wretched state of primary and secondary instruction throughout France. The secondary instruction was chiefly given in private establishments. Fourcroy stated

the number of pupils under ten years of age in the primary and secondary schools at only 75,000, and this in a population of thirty-two millions. Classical and literary instruction was afforded by the Lycea to about 4000 pupils, whose expenses were defrayed by the State, besides boarders kept at the charge of their parents. The discipline of these establishments was altogether military. Latin, mathematics, and military manoeuvres were the chief objects of instruction at the Lycea. Scientific education was given in the special schools in the chief towns of France, such as the schools of law and of medicine, the college of France, and the polytechnic school at Paris, the military school at Fontainebleau, the school of artillery and engineers at Mainz, that of bridges and highways, or civil engineers, the schools for the mines, &c. Speculative, philosophical, or political studies met with little encouragement under Bonaparte's administration. He sneered at all such studies as ideology, and censured them as an idle and dangerous occupation.

The provincial administration of France was now organized upon one uniform plan, and was made entirely dependent on the central power or executive. Each department had a prefect, who had the chief civil authority; he was generally a stranger to the department, received a large salary, and was removed or dismissed at the will of Bonaparte. The mayors of the towns of 5000 inhabitants and upwards were appointed by Bonaparte; those of the communes under 5000 inhabitants, as well as all the members of the municipal councils, were appointed by the respective prefects. Thus all remains of municipal or communal liberty and popular election were quietly abrogated in France. I was a dictator,' says Napoleon, 'called to that office by the force of circumstances. It was necessary that the strings of the government, which extended all over the state, should be in harmony with the key-note which was te influence them. The organization which I had extended all over the empire required to be maintained with a high degree of pressure, and to possess a prodigious force of elas ticity, &c. (Las Cases, vol. iv.) His power in fact was much greater than that of the kings of the old monarchy, as his prefects were not men distinguished by rank and fortune and connexions, as the former governors and lieutenantgenerals; they owed their whole power to their immediate commissions; they had no personal influence on opinion, and no force except the impulse they received from the chief of the state.

French republic, and dividing it into six departments, Po, Dora, Sesia, Stura, Marengo, and Tanaro. England on her side refused to deliver up Malta, as a Neapolitan garrison would have been a poor security against a sudden visit of the French. Lord Whitworth had a long and stormy conference with Bonaparte at the Tuileries on this subject. The English minister having represented to him that the state of things which the treaty of Amiens had contemplated was completely altered by his enormous accession of power in Italy, Bonaparte peremptorily rejected England's claim to interfere in his arrangements concerning other states; he insisted upon Malta being delivered up to some neutral power; and at the same time did not even disguise his further views upon Egypt. He complained of the attacks of the English press upon him (ree Mackintosh on Peltier's trial), talked of conspiracies hatched in England against him, which he assumed that the English government was privy to, although Charles Fox himself, who was in opposition to the English minister of the day, had once during his visit to Paris told him with honest bluntness to drive that nonsense out of his head; he complained that every wind that blew from England was fraught with mischief for him; and at last, after an hour and a half of almost incessant talking, he dismissed the English minister to prepare for the renewal of hostilities. (See the instructions given by Bonaparte in his own handwriting to Talleyrand concerning the manner in which he was to receive Lord Whitworth at the last conference between them, in No. IV. Appendix to Sir W. Scott's Life of Napoleon. See also in the Mémoires sur le Consulat by Thibaudeau, the real opinion of Bonaparte concerning the peace of Amiens, expressed by him confidentially soon after the ratification:It was but a truce; his government stood in need of fresh victories to consolidate itself; it must be either the first government in Europe, or it must fall.) On the 25th of March, 1803, a Senatus Consultum placed at the disposal of the first consul 120,000 conscripts. England on her side was making active preparations. On the 18th May England declared war against France, and laid an embargo upon all French vessels in her ports. In retaliation for this, a decree of the 22d May ordered that all the English of whatever condition found on the territory of France should be detained as prisoners of war, under pretence that many of them belonged to the militia. General Mortier was sent to occupy the Electorate of Hanover belonging to the king of Great Britain.

In the following September a decree of the consuls, in order,' as it stated, to secure the liberty of the press, forbade any bookseller to publish any work until he had submitted a copy of it to the commission of revision. Journals had already been placed under still greater restrictions.

After the peace with England, Bonaparte sent a fleet and an army under his brother-in-law, General Leclerc, to St. Domingo, to reduce the blacks, who had revolted. A dreadful war ensued, which was marked by atrocities on both sides, and ended in the destruction of the French force, and the total emancipation of the blacks. At the same time he re-established the slavery of the blacks in Guada In February, 1804, the police discovered that a number loupe and Martinique, and authorized afresh the slave trade. of emigrants and Vendeans were concealed at Paris; that By a treaty with Spain, that country gave up Louisiana to General Pichegru, who, after his escape from Guiana, had France, which France afterwards sold to the United States openly espoused the cause of the Bourbons, was with them, for fifteen millions of dollars. By another treaty with Por- and that he had had some interviews with General Moreau. tugal, France acquired Portuguese Guiana. In Italy, Georges Cadoudal, the Chouan chief, who had once before France took possession of the duchy of Parma, at the death submitted to the first consul, was likewise lurking about of the duke Ferdinand, in October, 1802. She likewise took Paris. Pichegru, Moreau, and Georges were arrested. The possession of the island of Elba, by an agreement with real purpose of the conspirators has never been clearly Naples and Tuscany. The annexation of Piedmont to known. Georges, it seems, proposed to take away the life France next filled up the measure of alarm of the other of the first consul, but it was not proved that the rest aspowers at Bonaparte's encroachments. Since the victory of sented to this. (See Bourienne.) It was also reported to Marengo, Piedmont had been provisionally occupied by the Bonaparte that the young Duke of Enghien, son of the French, and Bonaparte had given out hopes that he would Duke of Bourbon, and grandson of the Prince of Condé, restore it to the old king, for whom Paul of Russia evinced who was living at Ettenheim in the grand duchy of Baden, a personal interest. He was then still at war with England, was in correspondence with some of the Paris conspirators, and he had formed a scheme of an offensive alliance with and that he was to enter France as soon as the intended Russia at the expense of Turkey, with a view to march a insurrection should break out. Bonaparte, worried with recombined army to India. The violent death of Paul having ports of plots and conspiracies against him, gave orders to put an end to this scheme, he immediately procured a arrest the duke, although on a neutral territory, On the decree of the senate constituting Piedmont into a military 14th of March a party of gendarmes em Strasburg crossed division of the French empire, under a council of adminis- the Rhine, entered the Baden territory, surrounded the tration, with General Menou at the head. Still the ultimate château of Ettenheim, seized the duke and his attendants, fate of Piedmont remained in suspense, as it was under- and took him to the citadel of Strasburg, On the morning stood that the emperor Alexander interested himself for the of the 18th the duke was put into a carriage, and taken king of Sardinia. But after the assumption of the presi- under an escort to the castle of Vincennes, near Paris, dency of the Italian republic, and the annexation of Parma where he arrived in the evening of the 20th. A military and Elba, and other stretches of power on the side of Hol- court of seven members was ordered by the first consul to land and the Rhine, at which Alexander openly expressed assemble at Vincennes that very night. The members were his displeasure, Bonaparte having no further reason to appointed by General Murat, commandant of Paris. General humour him, a Senatus Consultum appeared in Septem-Hulin was president. The captain rapporteur, D'Autanber, 1802, definitively incorporating Piedmont with the court, interrogated the duke, (See copy of the interrogatory

and of the duke's answers in Bourienne's Memoirs, vol. v.) | The charges laid before the court against the prisoner were: that he had borne arms against the French republic; that he had offered his services to the English government; that he was at the head of a party of emigrants assembled near the frontiers of France, and had treasonable correspondence with the neighbouring departments; and lastly, that he was an accomplice in the conspiracy formed at Paris against the life of the first consul. This last charge the duke indignantly denied, and there is not the least evidence that he was implicated in it, nor that he had corresponded with either Pichegru or Georges. (Bourienne.) He was however found guilty of all the charges. The duke expressed a desire to have an interview with the first consul. This however was overruled by Savary, who was present at the trial, though not one of the members, and who abruptly told the court that it was inexpedient to grant the prisoner's request. The duke was sentenced, by the same court, to death for crimes of espionage, of correspondence with the enemies of the republic, and of attempts against the safety, internal and external, of the state. Jugement rendu par la Commission Militaire Spéciale séante à Vincennes, 30 Ventose, An XII. formée en vertu de l'arrêté du Gouvernement du 29 Ventose, composée d'après la loi du 19 Fructidor, An V. de sept membres, nommés par le Général en Chef Murat, Gouverneur de Paris, à l'effet de juger le nommé Louis Antoine Henri de Bourbon, Duc d' Enghien, né à Chantilly le 2 Août, 1772.) Savary had orders from Bonaparte to see the sentence carried into execution, which was done that very night, or rather early in the morning of the 21st March. The duke asked for a priest, which was refused; he then knelt down, and prayed for a minute or two, after which he was led down by torch-light to a postern gate, which opened into the castle ditch, where a party of gendarmes was drawn up, and a grave had been dug. It was dawn. Savary from the parapet gave the signal for firing. The duke fell dead, and was immediately buried in the dress he had on, without any funeral ceremony. (Savary's Memoirs, and General Hulin's pamphlet in extenuation of his share in the transaction.) It is remarkable that Murat, afterwards king of Naples, when himself under sentence of death, told Captain Stratti, who guarded him, I took no part in the tragedy of the Duke of Enghien, and I swear this before that God into whose presence I am soon to appear.' (Colletta, Storia del Reame di Napoli.) In fact, Murat, as governor of Paris, merely appointed the members of the court-martial according to the orders he received. It is not true that the duke wrote a letter to Bonaparte which was not delivered to him, as Bonaparte himself seems to have believed. (Las Cases and Bourienne.) The apology which Bonaparte made at St. Helena for this judicial murder, was, that he believed the duke was privy to the conspiracy against his life, and that he was obliged to strike terror among the royalists, and put an end to their plots by showing that he was not a man to be trifled with. An additional motive has been ascribed to him, namely, that of re-assuring the party implicated in the former French revolution against any fears they might have of his ever restoring the Bourbons.

On the 6th April Pichegru was found dead in his prison. About the same time, Captain Wright of the English navy, who, having been employed in landing Pichegru and the other emigrants in Britanny, was afterwards captured by the French, and brought to Paris for the purpose of being examined concerning the conspiracy, was likewise reported to have been found dead. The death of these two men is still involved in mystery. Bonaparte has positively denied any knowledge of Captain Wright's death, and has asserted his belief that Pichegru really strangled himself, as it was reported. Yet, even freely admitting the sincerity of his statements, one may suspect that the agents of his police, screened as they were from all public responsibility, might, in their eagerness to serve their master, or rather themselves, have resorted to foul means to get rid of these men when they could not extract from them confessions that would suit their purpose. Bonaparte has repeatedly complained of the hasty zeal of some of his agents. It is stated by Bourienne that Pichegru's depositions did not inculpate Moreau, whom there was an apparent eagerness to find guilty. Some dark rumours were circulated about Captain Wright having been put to excruciating torture. It is very possible that Bonaparte himself did not know at that time all the secrets of his prison-houses. There is a remarkable passage in

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Bourienne, who, when he was French agent at Hamburg, kidnapped a spy, a really bad character, and sent him to Paris, where,' he says, Fouché no doubt took good care of him. These are ominous words. See Montholon's Memoirs, vol. i., where Napoleon speaks of the arbitrary tyranny which the minister of police and his agents exercised until by his decree on state prisons, 13th March, 1810, he stripped them of that terrible power of committing any individual at their own pleasure and keeping him in their own hands, without the tribunals taking any cognizance of the case. This abuse had existed from the time of the convention.

The trial of Moreau, Georges, and the others, did not take place for several months after Pichegru's death. Meantime a motion was made in the Tribunate, by one Curée, to bestow upon Napoleon Bonaparte the title of emperor, with the hereditary succession in his family. Carnot alone spoke against the motion, which however was passed by a great majority on the 3rd of May. The resolution of the Tribunate was then carried to the Senate, where it was unanimously agreed to. It was then submitted to the votes of the people in the departments. Above three millions of the registered votes were favourable, and between three and four thousand contrary. It was said that in many places those who did not vote were registered as assentients, and that this was the case at Geneva among others. However, even before the votes were collected, Napoleon assumed the title of emperor at St. Cloud on the 18th of May, 1804. On the 19th he issued a decree appointing eighteen of his first generals marshals of the French empire. Deputations with congratulatory addresses soon began to pour in from the departments, and the clergy followed in the wake. The first decrees of the new sovereign were headed-Napoleon, by the grace of God, and the constitution of the republic, emperor of the French,' &c.; but the name of the republic was soon after dropped altogether.

In the month of June the trial of Moreau, Georges, and the others concerned in the conspiracy, took place before a special court. A decree of the Senate had previously suspended, for two years, the functions of the jury in cases of attempts against the person of Napoleon Bonaparte. Twenty of the accused, with Georges at their head, were condemned to death; Moreau, with four more, to two years' imprisonment; and the rest were acquitted, but the police seized them on coming out of court, and replaced them in prison at the command of the emperor. Riviere, Polignac, and some others who had been condemned to death, were reprieved by Napoleon through the entreaties of his wife and sisters. Georges and some of his more stubborn friends were executed. Moreau had his sentence of imprisonment exchanged for perpetual banishment, and sailed for the United States. The proceedings of the trial, and Moreau's defence, were published in the newspapers of the time.

Napoleon requested the pope to perform the ceremony of his coronation. After consulting with his cardinals, Pius VII. determined to comply with his wish, and came to Paris at the end of November, 1804. The coronation took place in the church of Nôtre Dame on the 2nd of December. The crown having been blessed by the pope, Napoleon took it himself from the altar and placed it on his head, after which he crowned his wife as empress. The heralds then proclaimed the accession of the high and mighty Napoleon I., emperor of the French,' &c. &c.

The Italian republic was soon after transformed into a kingdom. A deputation of the consulta or senate proceeded to Paris in March, 1805, humbly requesting Napoleon to accept the antient iron crown, the crown of Italy, with the condition that the two crowns of Franc and Italy should remain united only on Napoleon's head, and that he should appoint a separate successor to the Italian kingdom. On the 26th May the ceremony was performed in the cathedral of Milan by the archbishop of that city. Napoleon seized the iron crown of the old Longobard kings and placed it on his brow, saying, 'God has given it to me; woe to him who shall attempt to lay hands on it.' He appointed his stepson, Eugene Beauharnois, his viceroy of the kingdom of Italy. On the 7th June Napoleon opened in person the session of the Italian legislative body. (See his speech on the occasion in Storia dell' Amministrazione del Regno d'Italia durante il dominio Francese, under the fictitious name of Coraccini, Lugano, 1823, which is the best book of reference for the history of the administration of Northern Italy under Napoleon.) About the same time the Doge of

Genoa, Durazzo, repaired to Milan with a deputation of senators, and expressed a wish on the part of the Genoese to be united to the French empire. A decree of Napoleon, 9th of June, united Genoa to France. Soon after the republic of Lucca was transformed into a principality, and given to Elisa, Napoleon's sister, and her husband Baciocchi, to be holden as a fief of the French empire. Thus two more Italian republics disappeared; San Marino alone remained.

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entered Münich. General Mack, who had given sufficient proofs of incapacity in the field while commanding the Neapolitans in 1798, was by some strange influence placed at the head of the great Austrian army. The Archduke Charles commanded the Austrian forces on the side of Italy Napoleon directed his army of England to march quickly to the Rhine: other troops from Holland, Hanover, and the interior of France, were ordered to march to the same quarter. He appointed Massena to command the army in Italy.

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In the preceding year (1804) Napoleon had assembled a large force on the shores of the British channel, with On the 23rd September, 1805, Bonaparte went in state a flotilla at Boulogne, and had given it the name of the to the senate, where he delivered a speech on the occaarmy of England.' The invasion of England and the sion of the war. As this is a fair specimen of his pecuplunder of London were confidently talked of among his liar style of oratory, we shall quote some extracts. The soldiers. After his return from Milan he gave a new im- wishes of the eternal enemies of the continent,' he said, pulse to the preparations for the projected invasion, and are at last fulfilled; war is begun in the middle of Gerspoke of it publicly as an attempt resolved upon. His many. Austria and Russia have joined England, and our real intentions however have been a matter of much doubt generation is plunged again into all the calamities of war. and controversy. Bourienne, who was then still near The Austrian army has crossed the Inn; the elector Bonaparte's person, positively states that he did not enter- of Bavaria has been driven away from his capital; all my tain any serious view of landing in England; that he was hopes of the preservation of peace have vanished. In this fully aware of the difficulty and risk of such an under- instance the wickedness of the enemies of the continent taking; that even had he succeeded in landing 100,000 has fully revealed itself. They feared the manifestation of men, which was no easy matter, he might have lost one- my deep love for peace; they feared that Austria, at the half or two-thirds in taking possession of London; and sight of the precipice they have dug under her feet, might then, had the English nation persevered, he, not having the return to sentiments of justice and moderation, and they superiority at sea, could not have obtained reinforcements, have hurried her into war. I sigh in thinking of the blood &c. Bonaparte, at St. Helena, spoke differently. He said that this will cost Europe, but the French name shall dehe had taken all his measures; he had dispersed his ships rive a fresh lustre from it. Senators, when, at your request, all over the sea; and while the English were sailing after at the voice of the whole French people, I assumed the imthem to different parts of the world, his ships were to perial crown, I received of you and of all citizens a solemn return suddenly and at the same time; he would have had engagement to preserve it pure and without stain. My seventy or eighty French and Spanish ships in the channel, people will rush to the standard of its emperor and of his with which he could have remained master of the narrow army, which in a few days shall have crossed the frontiers. seas for two months. Three or four thousand boats and Magistrates, soldiers, citizens, all are determined to keep 100,000 men were ready at a signal. The enterprise was our country free from the influence of England, who, if she popular with the French, and was supported, Napoleon should prevail, would grant us uone but an ignominious said, by the wishes of a great number of English. One peace, the principal conditions of which would be the burnpitched battle after landing, the result of which could not ing of our fleets, the filling up of our harbours, and the be doubtful, and in four days he would have been in Lon- annihilation of our industry. I have fulfilled all the prodon, as the nature of the country does not admit of a war mises which I made to the French people, who in their turn of manoeuvres; his army should have preserved the strictest have exceeded all their engagements towards me. In the discipline, he would have presented himself to the English present crisis, so important to their glory and mine, they will people with the magical words of liberty and equality, and continue to deserve the name of the great people by which as having come to restore to them their rights and liberties, I have repeatedly saluted them on the fields of battle.' &c. (Las Cases, vol. i. part ii.) It must be observed that It was by constantly throwing all the blame of the war all this declamation applies to his preparations towards the upon the English, by continually representing them as a end of 1803 and the beginning of 1804, when he was still sort of incarnation of the evil principle ever intent on the first consul and preserved a show of respect for the liberties ruin of France, that Bonaparte succeeded, in a country of the people. To O'Meara he spoke in a rather different where great ignorance prevailed on political subjects, and strain. He said he would have gone straight to London, where the press was sure not to contradict him, to create and have seized the capital, that he would have had all that spirit of bitter and deep animosity against England the mob for him, all the low, dissipated, and loose charac- which continued to exist long after his death. It is curious ters, all the restless discontented, who abound in great cities, to read the Moniteur of those times, and to see the bareand who are everywhere the same, fond of change, and faced assertions and charges against England with which riot, and revolution. He would have excited the democratic its columns are filled. (Recueil de décrets, ordonnances, element against the aristocracy, he would have revolu- traités de paix, manifestes, proclamations, discours, &c., tionized England, &c. Whether, with such instruments let de Napoleon Bonaparte et des membres du Gouvernement loose, he would have preserved the discipline of his army, Français depuis le 18 brumaire an 8 [Novembre, 1799] and prevented the horrors that attended his invasion of jusqu à l'année 1812 inclusivement, extraits du Moniteur, Spain and other countries, he did not say. Luckily, per-4 vols. 8vo. 1813, a very useful book of reference.) In one haps for all parties, the trial was not made. While his army instance the English were gravely accused of having thrown was assembled near Boulogne, a new storm burst on the bales of infected cotton on the coast of France in 1804, in side of Germany. order to introduce the plague into that country; and the Moniteur (the official journal) added, the English cannot conquer us by the sword, they assail us with the plague;' and strange to say, this absurd story has been revived in the Memoirs of Marshal Ney,' published at Paris in 1832. Napoleon repaired to Mainz, where he took the command of the grand army, a name which was afterwards always applied to the army while he commanded in person. He also began in this campaign to issue regular bulletins of the events of the war. Coloured as these documents generally are (Bourienne, in his account of the Egyptian war, shows the process by which Napoleon used to frame them), they constitute however a series of important historical papers.

Austria had remonstrated against the never-ending encroachment of Napoleon in Italy. The Emperor of Russia and Gustavus, King of Sweden, protested against the violation of the German territory on the occasion of the seizure of the Duke of Enghien; the Moniteur answered them by taunts and jibes against the two sovereigns. By the treaty of Luneville the Italian, Batavian, and Ligurian republics were acknowledged as independent states, but Napoleon had now seized the crown of Italy, had annexed Liguria to France, and Holland as well as Hanover were occupied by his troops. Both Russia and Austria complained, but their complaints remained unheeded. A new coalition was formed in the summer of 1805 between England, Russia, Austria, and Sweden. Prussia was urged to join it; she hesitated, increased her armies, but remained neutral, looking forward to the events of the war. Austria, without waiting for the arrival of the Russians, who were assembling on the frontiers of Gallicia, marched an army into the electorate of Bavaria; and on the elector refusing to join the coalition, they

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We cannot enter into the details of the campaign of 1805, and we must refer our readers to the professional statements of military men of both sides who were in it, such as Stutterheim's Campaign of Austerlitz; Rapp's Memoirs, &c. Suffice it to say that General Mack allowed himself to be surrounded at Ulm, and then surrendered, on the 17th

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of October, without fighting, with more than 20,000 men, | however required that Sicily should be given up to Joseph all his staff, artillery, &c. The other Austrian divisions Bonaparte. But Sicily had never been conquered by the being now scattered about could make no effectual resist- French, it had been throughout the war the ally of Engance, and the French entered Vienna on the 13th of Nov. land, and, owing to that alliance, its sovereign had lost his The Russian army had by this time assembled in Moravia, continental dominions of Naples. To have bartered away under the Emperor Alexander in person. Being joined by Sicily to France would have been, on the part of England, some Austrian divisions it amounted to about 80,000 men. an act of bad faith equal to if not worse than the former Napoleon told his soldiers that they were now going to barter of Venice by the French. The English minister meet a new enemy, who had been brought from the ends refused, and, Fox dying soon after, the negotiations broke of the world by the gold of England.' Alluding to the high off. character borne by the Russian infantry, he added:-"' "This The conduct of Prussia had been one of tergiversation. contest is of much importance to the honour of the French Napoleon knew that she had felt the wish, without having infantry. The question must be now finally settled whether the resolution, to strike a blow while he was engaged in the French infantry be the first or the second in Europe. Moravia against the Russians. To keep her in good humour The great battle of Austerlitz was fought on the 2nd of he had given Hanover up to her, which Prussia, though at December, 1805. The two armies were nearly equal in peace with the king of England, scrupled not to accept. number. The Russians, confident of success, extended their She moreover shut her ports against British vessels. Bonaline too much. Bonaparte broke through it and separated | parte, after having settled his affairs with Austria, altered their divisions, which, after a stout resistance, especially on his tone towards Prussia. The Moniteur began to talk of the part of the Russian Guards, were routed in detail. The Prussia as a secondary power, which assumed a tone that loss of the allies was tremendous; thousands were drowned in its extent and position did not warrant. In his negotiations the frozen lakes in the rear of their position. The emperor of with Lord Lauderdale Napoleon had offered to restore Austria had an interview with Napoleon the day after, and Hanover to the king of England. The confederation of the an armistice was concluded, by which the remaining Russian Rhine extended round a great part of the Prussian frontroops were allowed to retire to their own country. Peace tiers. The Prussian minister at Paris, Von Knobelsdorf, in a between Austria and France was signed at Presburg on note which he delivered to Talleyrand on the 1st of October, the 26th of December. Austria gave up the Venetian pro- 1806, said truly, that the king his master saw around his vinces and Dalmatia to the kingdom of Italy, Tyrol to the territories none but French soldiers or vassals of France, elector of Bavaria, and other districts, besides a contribution ready to march at her beck.' The note demanded that the of one hundred millions of francs. This war, which was to French troops should evacuate the territory of Germany. have checked the preponderance of Napoleon in Italy, left Napoleon answered in a tone of sneer and defiance, saying that country entirely at his disposal, and established his that 'to provoke the enmity of France was as senseless a influence over a great part of Germany, where, having course as to pretend to withstand the waves of the ocean.' raised the electors of Bavaria and Würtemberg to the The king of Prussia issued a long manifesto from his headrank of kings, he placed himself at the head of all the quarters at Erfurt on the 9th of October, 1806, in which he smaller states, which he formed into the confederation of recapitulated the long series of Napoleon's encroachments, the Rhine under his protection. The old German empire which all the world was acquainted with, but which the was thus dissolved. Soon after, the Emperor Francis for- king of Prussia seemed now to discover for the first time. mally renounced his title of emperor of Germany, and as- Napoleon was speedily in the field; he attacked the Prussumed the title of Francis I., emperor of Austria and of his sians first, and this time he had on his side a large supeother hereditary states. riority of numbers, added to his superiority of tactics. The It must be observed that the position of Napoleon after double battle of Auerstadt and Jena (16th of October) dethe battle of Austerlitz in the heart of Moravia, the winter cided the campaign. The Prussian troops fought bravely, having set in, and he far from the frontiers of France and but their generals committed the same error as the Ausfrom his reinforcements and supplies, the Russians, who were trian generals had committed before, of extending too much expecting reinforcements, in his front, Prussia wavering on their line of operations. The consequences of the Prushis flank, Bohemia untouched, the Archduke Charles and sian defeat were most disastrous. Most of their divisions the Hungarian insurrection in his rear, was extremely cri- | were surrounded and obliged to lay down their arms. tical, had he chosen to protract the war. This of course Almost all their strong fortresses, Magdeburg, Spandau, induced him to grant Austria better terms than what she Kustrin, Stettin, Hameln, surrendered without firing a shot. appeared to have a right to, on a mere superficial view of The work of the great Frederic's whole life crumbled to the condition of the two powers. The Austrian empire was pieces in a few weeks. Blücher and Lestocq were the only not overthrown because Vienna was in the power of the in-officers who kept some regiments together, with which they vader. But Napoleon calculated on the habits and the made a gallant stand in the northern provinces. fears of the Emperor Francis, and on his affection for the good citizens of Vienna; and he was not mistaken on this occasion.

The king of Naples, breaking his recent treaty with France, had allowed a Russian and English army to land in his dominions, where they remained useless during the great struggle that was going forward in Germany. Napoleon sent an army to Naples in February, 1806; and King Ferdinand took refuge in Sicily. A decree of Napoleon, March, 1806, appointed his brother Joseph king of Naples and of Sicily. On the 6th of June following he appointed by another decree his brother Louis king of Holland, thus transforming by a stroke of the pen the Batavian republic into a kingdom dependent on France. His brother-in-law, Murat, was made grand duke of Berg. [BERG.]

During his victorious progress in Germany, Napoleon received the news of the total destruction of the French and Spanish fleets by Nelson at the battle of Trafalgar, on the 21st of October, 1805. His peevish remark on the occasion is said to have been-'I cannot be everywhere; and he threw all the blame on his unfortunate admiral, Villeneuve, who soon after killed himself. From this time Napoleon renounced his plans of invading England, and he applied himself to destroy all English trade and correspondence with the Continent. Charles Fox, who had succeeded Pitt as minister, was known to be favourable to peace. Negotiations accordingly were entered into by Napoleon, on the basis of the uti possidetis. Lord Yarmouth, and afterwards Lord Lauderdale, were the English negotiators. Napoleon

Bonaparte entered Berlin on the 21st of October. He dispatched Mortier to occupy Hamburg, and seize all English property there. On the 21st of November, 1806, Napoleon issued his well-known Berlin decree against British commerce. The British islands were to be considered as in a state of blockade by all the Continent. All correspondence or trade with England was forbidden under most severe penalties. All articles of English manufacture or produce of the British colonies were considered as contraband. Property of every kind belonging to British subjects, wherever found, was declared lawful prize. All letters to and from England to be detained and opened at the postoffices. The English government retaliated by its orders in council, 11th November, 1807.

Meantime the king of Prussia had fled to Königsberg, and the Russian armies advanced to the Vistula: the French occupied Warsaw. French agents had previously penetrated into Russian Poland, and had spread a report that Kosciusko was at Napoleon's head-quarters. Napoleon had invited Kosciusko, who was then living in Switzerland, to come, but that single-minded patriot, mistrusting the views of the conqueror, declined the invitation. (MEmoires de Michel Oginski sur la Pologne et les Polonais depuis 1788 jusqu' en 1815.)

Napoleon received at his head quarters at Posen numerous addresses from various parts of Poland, entreating him to restore that country to its independence. His answers were cold and cautious. He began his winter campaign against the Russians by the battle of Pultusk

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