mission of theft or open robbery, or in any crime, is more agreeable to the immortal gods; but when there is not sufficient number of criminals, they scruple not to inflict this torture on the innocent.

The chief deity whom they worship is Mercury; of him they have many images, and they consider him to be the inventor of all arts, their guide in all their journeys, and that he has the greatest influence in the pursuit of wealth and the affairs of commerce. Next to him they worship Apollo and Mars, and Jupiter and Minerva; and nearly resemble other nations in their views respecting these, as that Apollo wards off diseases, that Minerva communicates the rudiments of manufactures and manual arts, that Jupiter is the ruler of the celestials, that Mars is the god of war. To Mars, when they have determined to engage in a pitched battle, they commonly devote whatever spoil they may take in the war. After the contest, they slay all living creatures that are found among the spoil; the other things they gather into one spot. In many states, heaps raised of these things in consecrated places may be seen: nor does it often happen that any one is so unscrupulous as to conceal at home any part of the spoil, or to take it away when deposited; a very heavy punishment with torture is denounced against that crime.

This

former occasion; and setting out about midnight in pursuit of the natives, found them drawn up on the bank of a river, (probably the Stour, near Canterbury,) to oppose his further progress. His cavalry drove them into the woods in the rear of their position, and one of his legions (the 7th) stormed a strong hold, formed of timber, which had been formerly constructed probably in some domestic war. strong hold is supposed by Horsley to have been subsequently the Roman station of Durovernum, now Canterbury. Intelligence that his fleet had been damaged by a storm obliged Cæsar to recal his troops from the pursuit of the enemy, and his own return to the coast to ascertain the extent of the damage and take measures for repairing it, delayed his operations for some days. Upon his return to his former post he found that the natives had augmented their forces from all parts, and had entrusted the command in chief to Cassivellaunus, (we use Cæsar's mode of writing the name, perhaps the native form of it was Cass-wallaun or Caswallon,) a prince whose territories were divided from the maritime states by the River Tamesis or Thames, at a part which was 80 Roman, or about 74 English, miles from the Kentish coast. This prince had been engaged previously in incessant wars with his neighbours; but the common danger compelled them to forego their disputes, and it is likely that his talents for war pointed him out as the most suitable person for general. But neither his caution and skill, nor the undaunted valour, nor the increased number of the Britons, enabled them to withstand the superior discipline and equipment of the Romans. After some severe but unsuccessful struggles, Cassivellaunus dismissed the greater part of his forces, detaining about 4000 charioteers, whose skill Although in what relates to or is closely connected with in the management of their chariots rendered them very forthe system of the Druids, we have quoted that part of midable, and retired, as it appears, into his own dominions Cæsar's Commentaries which has relation to Gaul, we across the Thames. That river was fordable only in one place have thought ourselves authorized in applying his descrip- in the line of Cæsar's advance; and the natives had planted tion to Britain, by his declaration that the system existed in stakes, sharpened at the point, on the bank and in the bed of its greatest vigour in that island. Of the account which the river. All obstacles were however overcome; Cæsar, crosshe gives of the civil institutions of the Gauls we do not feeling the river, put the enemy to flight, received the submisourselves completely justified in making a similar applica- sion of several tribes, and took by storm the town of Cassition, although it is likely that, in their political and social vellaunus. These disasters, combined with the entire dearrangements, a considerable similarity existed between the feat of the princes of Cantium (Kent) in an attack upon the two countries, the Gauls being however more advanced in maritime camp which the Romans had formed to protect civilization. their fleet, induced Cassivellaunus to submit. The conqueror demanded hostages, fixed a tribute to be paid by the subject Britons, and returned to Gaul with all his forces and a number of captives.

All the Gauls declare that they are descended from Father Dis (or Pluto), and this they say has been handed down by the Druids: for this reason, they distinguish all spaces of time not by the number of days, but of nights: they so regulate their birth-days, and the beginning of the months and years, that the day shall come after the night. (Cæsar de Bell. Gall., lib. vi. 13, 14, 16, 17, 18.)

In the autumn of the year 55 B.C., Cæsar, embarking with the infantry of two legions (about 8000 to 10,000 men) at the Portus Itius, (Witsand, between Calais and Boulogne,) arrived with part of his fleet, after a passage of about 10 hours, on the coast of Britain, and beheld the steep cliffs which skirted the shore covered with armed natives ready to dispute his landing. Judging this to be an unsuitable spot for his purpose, after a delay of several hours to enable the rest of his fleet to come up, he proceeded about seven miles farther, and prepared to disembark on the open and level beach which presented itself to him. The place at which Cæsar first touched was probably near the south Foreland, and he landed somewhere on the flat shore which extends from Walmer castle towards Sandwich.* He did not make good his landing without a severe struggle. The success of the invaders, however hardly earned, and though somewhat incomplete, disposed the natives to submission; but the dispersion in a storm of some vessels, which were bringing over the Roman cavalry, and the damage sustained by the fleet which had conveyed Cæsar, induced them to renew the contest, and to attempt, first, the surprise of one of the legions which had been sent out to forage, and next the attack of the Roman army. They were again beaten, and compelled to sue for peace; and Cæsar, anxious to return, contented himself with requiring an increased number of hostages, whom he commanded to be brought to him on the Continent, for which he immediately embarked. Two of the British States sent their hostages: the rest did not.

It will be well here to notice the geography and ethnography of Britain, so far as the expedition of Cæsar brings it into view. As to the place where he crossed the Thames, there has been some dispute. Camden fixes it at Coway or Cowey stakes, near Chertsey in Surrey, and Mr. Gale, in the Archæologia' (vol. i. p. 183), adduces several strong arguments in support of Camden's opinion. In fact the stakes are described as they remained fixed in the time of the writer. To evidence so strong Mr. Horsley's opinion that Caesar crossed just above Kingston must give place. The town of Cassivellaunus is supposed to have been Verulamium (Verulam) near St. Alban's.

The tribes with whom the Romans in this expedition became acquainted were as follows: we give also their names as written by Ptolemy, where they have been identified or where identity is conjectured by antiquarians. The positions are those laid down or suggested in the map published by the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge, Antient Britain,' part 1, with the exception of the Cassi, as to which tribe we give Camden's conjecture :— Ptolemy.

Cæsar.

People of Cantium, Kavrioi.
Trinobantes.
Cenimagni.

Segontiaci.
Ancalites..

Early next year (54 B.C.), Cæsar, embarking again at the Portus Itius, invaded the island with a much larger force. His fleet consisted of 800 vessels of all classes, including some which belonged to private individuals; and the natives, who had assembled to oppose his landing, terri- Bibroci fied at the magnitude of his armament, retired in alarm from the coast. He landed in the same place as on the

Some contend for Romney marsh or the neighbourhood of Hythe. The question is whether Caesar's ab eo loco progressus is to be understood of an advance towards the north or towards the south-west, Mr. Horsley (Britannia Romana) shows it must have been towards the north.

Cassi

Τρινοαντες.

Inhabitants of
Kent.

Essex.

Eμevo? Iceni of Tacitus? Norfolk, Suf

Of what tribe Cassivellaunus was originally the head it is difficult to say. The Trinobantes, Cenimagni, Segontiaci.

VOL. V.-3 L

Ancalites, Bibroci and Cassi submitted to Cæsar before the final defeat of the British prince, the situation of whose capital they pointed out to the Romans. This prevents the supposition of his being by birth the ruler of any of them; yet if the Roman Verulamium was on the site of his town, this must have been in the territory of the Cassi, according to Camden's opinion of their situation. If we might offer a conjecture it would be this: that Cassivellaunus was prince of the people called Catyeuchlani (Karvevyλavoi) by Ptolemy, and Cautellani, Karoveλλavo by Dion, who are given in the Society's and other maps, as occupying the whole or part of Herts, Bucks, Bedfordshire, and Northamptonshire; that the original district of this people was much less than has just been stated, but that they had subjected to their sway the Trinobantes, the Cenimagni, and the other tribes, (except perhaps the people of Cantium,) mentioned by Cæsar; that the defeat of Cassivellaunus induced these tribes to revolt; but that, upon the departure of the Romans, they were again reduced to subjection, and, with the exception of the Trinobantes and Cenimagni, so completely subdued as to have lost their distinctive appellations, and to have been therefore included by Ptolemy under the name and in the description of the conquering tribe. The fact that Cæsar does not mention the Catyeuchlani, nor Ptolemy. the subjected tribes, unless under different names, is favourable to this conjecture. The Trinobantes, whose independence Cæsar took pains to secure, appear in Ptolemy under their own name: they seem not only to have retained their independence, but rose, probably in consequence of their alliance with Rome, and their greater advance in civilization, to the position of a leading state.

manded the forces which were designed for the attack on the island (A.D. 43). The Romans were instigated by a British fugitive whom Dion calls Bepirog (Bericus). The Roman soldiers were at first unwilling to leave their quarters in Gaul to engage in an expedition beyond the boundaries of the world, but were prevailed on to embark. The Britons did not resist their landing, and were subsequently defeated in two battles, in the first of which they were commanded by Catarátacus (Karapáтakoç Dion), in the second by Togodumnus (Toyódovμvos, Dion), the sons of the now deceased Cunobelin. The success of the Romans disheartened some of the natives, and part of the Boduni (Bódovvo) probably the Dobuni (Aoßovvot) of Ptolemy, who dwelt in and about Gloucestershire, submitted. From the country of these new subjects Plautius advanced to a river (supposed by some to be the Severn), thought by the Britons to be impassable without a bridge; and sending over a body of Gallic auxiliaries, and after them his lieutenants, the brothers Flavius Vespasian (afterwards emperor) and Sabinus made considerable slaughter. The attack was not however decisive, for the battle was renewed the next day; and it was not until after a hard struggle that the Britons yielded. From this part of the country the vanquished natives retreated eastward to the marshes near the mouth of the Thames (Tauioa, Dion) (the marshes of Essex), where another stand was made with great slaughter and various success. In this struggle Togodumnus appears to have fallen; and the Britons, roused by the desire of vengeance to greater efforts, exerted themselves so vigorously that Plautius (as we gather from Dion) withdrew to the south of the Thames to await the arrival of the Emperor Claudius, whose presence he solicited. Claudius embarked with reinforcements, including some elephants; and landing at Massilia, proceeded through Gaul to Britain. Upon his arrival he crossed the Thames with his army, defeated the natives who had assembled to oppose him, took Camalodunum or Camulodunum (Kapovλodovvov, Dion), the capital of Cunobelin, and forced numbers of the Britons to submit either at discretion or upon terms. After this success Claudius disarmed the vanquished tribes and returned to Rome, leaving Plautius to secure and enlarge the Roman conquests. (Dion Cass. Hist. Rom.) The senate decreed triumphal honours to the emperor*, and the memory of his victory has been perpetuated in his coinage. An antient inscription ascribes to him the addition of the Orcades to the Roman empire. The coin of which we give an engraying is one of those commemorating his British conquests.

The success of Caesar was certainly not such as to induce him to attempt the permanent reduction of the island; and from some passages in antient authors it has been conjectured that his success was not so great as he has represented it. However that may be, the Romans did not return to the island until the reign of Claudius, leaving the Britons alone for about a century, or going no farther than to threaten an attack. In the interval those of the Britons who dwelt in the parts nearest to Gaul appear to have made some progress in civilization. They coined money, and many British coins have been discovered, of which about forty (Note to Gough's Camden) belong to a prince, Cunobelin (so on his coins, Cynobellinus in Suetonius, KuVoßvog in Dion Cassius), whose residence was at Carnalodunun (either Colchester or Maldon), and whom we should therefore take to be king of the Trinobantes, the people of that part of the country. It is likely that a connexion was maintained after Caesar's departure between the Romans and the Trinobantes, who would desire to enjoy the protection of the Roman name and influence (as did the Adui and Remi in Gaul), while the Romans would be willing to keep up an alliance in the island, which might be of use to them whenever they were disposed and able to resume their schemes of conquest. The money of Cunobelin is supposed to have been the work of a Roinan artist, or of some Gaul familiar with Roman customs. The subjoined engraving is from a coin, one of several of Cunobelin,

in the British Museum.

[Medal of Cunobelin. Actual size. Gold. Weight 824 grains.] But however the Trinobantes may have been pleased with the support of their Roman friends while they could retain their own independence, at the same time they were by no means willing to surrender this whenever the ambition of those friends chose to demand it. We consequently find them taking the lead in opposition to the invading force sent by the Emperor Claudius, while the Catuellani (whom we have conjectured to be the people of Cassivellaunus) took either no part or at least not a prominent one, and this not from want of power, for we find from Dion that the Boduni (Bodovvo) or Dobuni of Gloucestershire were subject to them. Perhaps the Catelluani were of Celtic race, and the Trinobantes of Belgic origin; and this circumstance, together with their rivalry in other respects, prevented their combining for the general good in a cordial manner, Aulus Plautius, a senator of prætorian rank, com

[Coin of Claudius. Actual size. Gold. Weight 122 grains. In Brit, Mas.]

The success of Plautius obtained for him that kind of

triumph called an ovation; but whether this was for any great exploits performed by him after the departure of Claudius we are not informed. (Dion, as above; Suetonius.) Some time during his command, his lieutenant Vespasian conquered the Isle of Wight, and had considerable success probably against the tribes of the south coast. Upon the departure of Plautius, those Britons who were struggling for independence overran the lands of such as had allied themselves with or submitted to the Romans; and P. Ostorius Scapula, who succeeded Plautius (A.D. 50) as proprætor, on his arrival found affairs in the greatest confusion. He immediately collected forces, routed and pursued the invaders, and prepared to restrain their incursions by stations or camps at the rivers Sabrina (Severn) and Antona or Aufona (Nene).

The line which Ostorius thus proposed to defend comprehended within it all the southern and south-eastern parts of the island, including nations who for the most part were of Belgic origin, and who had either submitted without a struggle to the Roman sway, or had been subdued by Plautius and Vespasian, or had willingly embraced the Roman alliance. This part of the island was inhabited by

Suetonius (Claudius, c. 17) says Claudins received the submission of a part of Britain without a battle and without bloodshed (sine ullo prælio aut performed several exploits partly while commanding under Claudius himself— sanguine.) In his life of Vespasian however he says that he (Vespasian)

'partim Claudii ipsius ductu,' c. 4.

the tribes mentioned by Cæsar and given in a foregoing | ancestors who had repelled the dictator Cæsar, secured table; by the Iceni and Atrebatii, who are supposed by themselves from the punishments and burdens of the many to be mentioned by Caesar under the names of Ceni. Romans, and preserved undefiled the persons of their wives nagni and Ancalites; by the Catuellani or Catyeuchlani, and children. The Britons responded to the exhortations whom we have conjectured to be the native tribe of Cassi- of their commander. But their native valour was unvellaunus; by the Dobuni; and by the following people not availing against the arms and discipline of their enemies. yet noticed:Their position was stormed; the victory was complete; the wife and daughter of Caractacus were taken; his brothers surrendered themselves; and the gallant prince himself was put in chains by Cartismandua, queen of the Brigantes, with whom he had taken refuge, and delivered up to the Romans. His unbroken spirit and noble demeanour when at Rome before Claudius commanded the admiration of that prince: he was spared the death which the cruel policy of Rome too commonly inflicted on captured princes, and the emperor pardoned him for opposing an attack as unjust as it was irresistible. (Tacit. Annales.) His subsequent history is unknown. His defeat and capture probably took place A.D. 31.

The revolt of Boadicea had nearly extinguished the Ro- | resolved to undertake the conduct of the war in person, and man dominion in Britain, but at last the natives were com- accordingly crossed over into the island A.D. 206 or 207. pletely defeated in a battle, the scene of which is supposed The natives, terrified at his approach, would have submitted, to have been just to the N. of London. Battle-bridge, but Severus dismissed their ambassadors, and continued his St. Paneras, is thought to have preserved in its name a military preparations. Advancing beyond the limits of the memorial of this dreadful day. (Nelson's Hist. of Isling- province (now probably bounded by Hadrian's rampart), he ton.) The Roman general ravaged with fire and sword the advanced through a difficult country, where he had endless territories of all those native tribes which had wavered in fatigues to sustain. There were morasses to drain, or causetheir attachment to the Romans, as well as those who had ways to form across them, forests to cut through, mounjoined in the revolt: but even hunger did not induce them tains to level, and bridges to build and so much were to submit. The chief civil or rather fiscal officer of the Ro- the Roman soldiers worn out by these works, that the mans quarrelled with Suetonius, and though the latter re- emperor lost, says Xiphilin, 50,000 men. The natives tained the command for a time longer, he was at last re- do not appear to have come to a pitched battle, so that the called without finishing the war (A.D. 62), and Petronius campaign was not marked by any brilliant exploits. Turpilianus appointed his successor. Under the milder Two people, the Maatæ (Maarai), who dwelt nearest to treatment of the new general, the revolt seems to have the Roman wall, and the Caledonians, who were more subsided. remote, were the great objects of the emperor's hostility. These tribes appear to have been at the lowest stage of civilization, as much so as their southern brethren at the time of Cæsar's first invasion. They wore little clothing, and painted or otherwise marked upon their bodies the figures of divers animals: a small target or shield, a spear, a poniard, and, as we learn from Tacitus, a cumbersome unpointed sword, composed their offensive and defensive arms. They had neither walls nor towns, but lived in tents, a pastoral race, feeding upon milk and wild fruits, and the flesh of such animals as they took by hunting. The community in women, noticed by Caesar, appears to have existed among them. (Herodian and Xiphilin, quoted by Horsley, Brit. Rom.)

Several generals were successively sent to the island; but the Romans made little progress until the time of Vespasian, A.D. 70-78, in whose reign Petilius Cerealis subdued the Brigantes, who, under Venutius, had renewed hostilities; and Julius Frontinus subdued the Silures. But the glory of completing the conquest of South Britain was reserved for Cnæus Julius Agricola, whose actions are recorded by his son-in-law the historian Tacitus. [AGRICOLA.]

From the time of Agricola, the later years of whose government were during the reign of Domitian, we read little about Britain in the Roman historians until the reign of Hadrian (A.D. 85 to 120), who visited the island, which had been much disturbed. The conquests which Agricola made in Caledonia seem to have been speedily lost, and the emperor fenced in the Roman territory by a rampart of turf, 80 Roman, or about 74 English, m. long. This rampart extended from the Estuary Ituna, (Irovva eoxvous, Ptol.) Solway Frith to the German Ocean, a little south of the more solid wall afterwards built by the Emperor Severus. (Elius Spartian, Life of Hadrian.) In the subsequent reign of Antoninus Pius (A.D. 138 to 161), Roman enterprise seems to have revived a little. Lollius Urbicus, his lieutenant in Britain, drove back the barbarians, and recovered the country as far as Agricola's line of stations between the Forth and Clyde. [ANTONINUS, WALL of.]

[Medal of Antoninus Pius. Actual size. Brass. Weight 4544 grains. In Brit. Mus.j

In the following reign of M. Aurelius Antoninus (A.D. 161 to 180) we have some notice of wars in Britain, which Calpurnius Agricola was sent to quell. (Capitolinus, Life of Aurelius Antonin.) The Caledonians probably broke through the wall of Antoninus in the reign of Commodus, son of Aurelius, if not during the reign of Aurelius himself. Commodus sent against them his lieutenant, Ulpius Marcellus, an able leader, who defeated the Caledonians with heavy loss. A great mutiny among the legions in Britain occurred during the reign of Commodus, which was with difficulty quelled by Pertinax (afterwards emperor), one of the successors of Marcellus in the government of the island. Pertinax was probably succeeded as governor by Clodius Albinus. (Horsley.)

The contest of this Clodius Albinus with Severus for the empire belongs rather to the history of Rome generally than to that of Britain in particular. The contest was ended by the fall of Albinus at the battle of Lugdunum (Lyon) in France, very near the close of the second century. It is not unlikely that Clodius had in a great measure drained the province of its troops in order to strengthen his own army against Severus, and that the northern natives took the opportunity of renewing hostilities, breaking into the Roman province, and spreading desolation far and near. Induced by the unfavourable tenor of the intelligence from the island, Severus, though now growing aged and infirm,

It was during this war that Severus ordered the erection of the famous wall which stretches across the island, from the Solway to near the mouth of the Tyne. The length of this wall, owing to the corruption of the text of antient authors, is given with great diversity. It is probable that the true reading in each of them was LXXXII. or LXXXV., which is rather more than the length assigned to Hadrian's rampart of turf, which was near this wall, and extended in the same direction. Remains of both these great works exist, and though we have not room for a very full description, yet some account of them cannot be considered as misplaced.

It appears that three great Roman works have crossed the island at this part. The first is supposed by Horsley, and after him by Warburton (Vallum Romanum, 4to. Lond. 1753), to have been simply a line of forts or stations, with perhaps a military way between them. This line of stations is by the above writers ascribed to Agricola; conjecture guiding them, we believe, rather than testimony. The extent of the works of Agricola is however disputed. Hutton ascribes to him an agger or mound, with a double ditch, and a second agger or rampart outside the northern ditch. Without attempting to settle this dispute, it may be observed that the works thus ascribed partly to Agricola and partly to Hadrian have throughout a parallel direction, from which some have contended that they were formed by the same person. The rampart of Severus, which is of stone, is for the most part, but not invariably, parallel to that of Hadrian; it lies to the N. of it, and extends rather farther at each end. It is accompanied throughout, as the following extract will show, by a military road, or indeed by several military roads. We take the following description of them from Hutton, as conveying the best information as to the works themselves, without affirming the correctness of his statement as to their authors:

'There were four different works in this grand barrier, performed by three personages, and at different periods. I will measure them from S. to N., describe them distinctly, and appropriate each part to its proprietor; for although every part is dreadfully mutilated, yet by selecting the best of each we easily form a whole; and from what is, we can nearly tell what was. We must take our dimensions from the original surface of the ground.

'Let us suppose a ditch, like that at the foot of a quickset hedge, 3 or 4 ft. deep, and as wide; a bank rising from it 10 ft. high, and 30 wide in the base; this, with the ditch, will give us a rise of 13 ft. at least. The other side of this bank sinks into a ditch 10 ft. deep and 15 wide, which gives the N. side of this bank a declivity of 20 feet. A small part of the soil thrown out on the N. side of this 15 ft. ditch forms a bank 3 ft high and 6 wide, which gives an elevation from the bottom of the ditch of 13 feet. Thus our two ditches and two mounds, sufficient to keep out every rogue