"traveller, tells him how effectually this has "been done. I urge it not as an argument, "the whole kingdom fpeaks it as a fact. We "have seen that this conduct has not converted "the people to the religion of government; and "instead of adding to the internal fecurity, it "has endangered it if therefore it does not add "to the national profperity, for what purpose, "but that of private tyranny, could it have "been embraced and perfifted in? Mistaken "ideas of private interest account for the actions "of individuals; but what could have influenced "the British government to permit a fyftem "which must inevitably prevent the ifland from " even becoming of the importance which nature "intended?"’* Of the state of the agriculture of Ireland at this period, a tolerable accurate idea may be formed from the words of the fame author."I have reafon to believe that five pounds sterling 66 per English acre, expended all over Ireland, "which amounts to 88,341,1361. would not more “than build, fence, plant, drain and improve that 6 country, * Young's Tour, vol. 2. 135. Eng. Ed. 66 country, to be upon a par in those respects with England."* The prices alfo of the produce of land, afford proof of the general poverty of the kingdom. In 1778, butter fold for 5 d. per lb.mutton, 24d.-beef, 2d.-pork, 24d.-veal, 3d.-a fat turkey for 103d.-a goose for 84d. -and a chicken for 24d. If further evidence were wanting to establish the fact of the penal laws having impoverished Ireland, it is to be found in the following confeffion of the late Lord Clare. "It was impof"fible," fays he, "that any country could conti 66 66 nue to exist under a code of laws, by which a majority of its inhabitants were cut off from the rights of property. It was a code highly inju"rious to the landed interest of Ireland, and inevitably diminished the value of every man's eftate, who voted for it." 66 From these several authorities upon the state of Ireland in 1778, much information may be collected concerning the causes of many of those peculiar circumftances which, at this day, belong to P # Young's Tour, App. that that country. If it is afked, why the people of Ireland are fo illiterate? The answer that presents itfelf is, look to the penal laws, that deprived them, till a late period, of education. If it is afked, why they are poor? The fame anfwer muft be given, look to the penal laws. If it is afked, why the lower orders eat vegetables only, and live in hovels? Still the fame answer, look to the penal laws. If it is afked, why there is no clafs of yeomanry in Ireland like that in England? The answer is, because the penal laws prohibited industry, and deprived the former of his property in land as faft as he could accumulate it. If it is afked, why the people are difcontented and diflike England? This answer only can be given, becaufe from England they received this penal code, under which they have endured, for above a century, every fpecies of calamity, contrary to the pofitive ftipulations of a facred and folemn treaty. If, in this era of civilized Europe, Ireland is more backward, its people lefs polished, its wealth lefs extenfive, and its general character below the rank of other countries, it is not now poffible to miftake the cause. And when all agree that this caufe is the penal code against the Catholics, what reafoning reafoning can contend against the propofition, that all the laws must be repealed in order to remedy the present diftempered condition of Ireland? It was in the year 1774, that the Irifh Legiflature paffed the first act towards conciliating the Catholics," an act to enable his Majesty's fubjects, "of whatever persuasion, to testify their allegiance "to him." Which is as follows: Whereas many of his Majesty's subjects in this kingdom are defirous to teftify their loyalty and allegiance to his Majefty, and their abhorrence of certain doctrines imputed to them, and to remove jealoufies which hereby have for a length of time fubfifted between them, and others his Majefty's loyal fubjects; but upon account of their religious tenets are, by the laws now in being, prevented from giving public affurances of fuch allegiance, and of their real principles, and good will, and affection towards their fellow fubjects; in order therefore to give such persons an opportunity of testifying their allegiance to his Majefty, and good will towards the prefent Conftitution of this kingdom, and to promote peace and industry amongst the inhabitants thereof, be it enacted by the King's moft excellent Majefty, by and with the advice and confent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons in this prefent Parliament affembled, and by the authority of the fame, that from and after the first day of June one thousand feven hundred and feventy-four, it fhall and may be lawful for any perfon profeffing the Popish religion, to go before the Judges of his Majefty's Court of King's Benchy any juftice P 2 * 13th and 14th Geo. III. c. 35. of of the peace for the county in which he does or fhall refide, or before any magiftrate of any city or town corporate wherein he does or fhall refide, and there take and subscribe the oath of allegiance and declaration herein after-mentioned; which oath and declaration fuch judges of the King's Bench, juftices of the peace, and magiftrates, are hereby enabled and required to administer: "I A. B. do take Almighty God, and his only Son Jefus Chrift my Redeemer, to witnefs, that I will be faithful and bear true allegiance to our most gracious Sovereign Lord King George the Third, and him will defend to the utmost of my power against all confpiracies and attempts whatever, that shall be made against his perfon, crown, and dignity; and I will do my utmost endeavour to disclose and make known to his Majesty, and his heirs, all treasons and traitorous confpiracies which may be formed against him or them; and I do faithfully promise to maintain, fupport, and defend, to the utmost of my power, the fucceffion of the Crown in his Majesty's family, against any perfon or perfons whatsoever; hereby utterly renouncing and abjuring any obedience or allegiance unto the person taking upon himself the ftile and title of Prince of Wales in the life-time of his father, and who fince his death is faid to have affumed the stile and title of King of Great Britain and Ireland, by the name of Charles the Third, and to any other perfon claiming or pretending a right to the Crown of thefe realms; and I do fwear, that I do reject and deteft, as unchristian and impious to believe, that it is lawful to murder or deftroy any perfon or perfons whatfoever for or under pretence of their being hereticks; and also that unchriftian and impious principle, that no faith is to be kept with hereticks; I further declare, that it is no article of my faith, and that I do renounce, reject, and abjure the opinion, that Princes excommunicated by the Pope and Council, or by any authority of the fee of Rome, or by any au thority |