Secondly, They have to complain of having endured a greater fhare of infult and of oppref sion than it ever was the lot of any other people in any other country to be exposed to.

Thirdly, They have it in their power to repel all thofe charges which have been made against them for being disloyal to the House of Brunswick, ift. By their conduct in 1715; 2dly, By their conduct in 1745; 3dly, By their conduct during the American war; and, laftly, By their conduct in 1798.

Fourthly, They have it in their power to fhew, that their clergy have, at all times, inculcated found doctrines of morality, of peace and fubmiffion to the government, and of brotherly affection. for their Proteftant fellow countrymen.

Fifthly, They can prove that their religious principles have been wholly misunderstood; and that they are not, in any degree, repugnant with their duty as loyal fubjects.*

Sixthly,

• Vide Appendix, No. 3. and No. 4. and Note B.

And, laftly, it may be laid down as incontrovertibly proved, that the penal code is the fole cause of any inferiority which can now be discovered in the state and condition of Ireland, as compared with the state and condition of any other country, whether in respect to the poverty, the ignorance, the mifery, or the difpofition of the lowest orders of her inhabitants, or to any other circumftance which enables England to boast her more advanced progrefs in refinement and civilization. To the penal code it is that England has to look for the fource of all alarm fhe now entertains for the safety of Ireland; and to England Ireland has to look for the caufe of all the mifery and degradation which, at this day even, peculiarly mark her character among the nations of the world. Yet it is fome confolation to reflect, that Ireland contains in herself a healing principle, in the liberality which the Irish Proteftants have lately displayed in support of the claims of their Catholic countrymen. A fupport which has nobly vindicated the origin which the Proteftant Church deduces from reafon and toleration.*

It fhews that the bigotry, which there have been fo much mischievous pains taken to excite, is not natural to Irishmen. Indeed, what vice is lefs congenial to the Irish character than bigotry? Bigotry is gloomy and exclufive, the Irish character is chearful and focial; bigotry is perverfe and difingenuous, querulous, four, and malignant; the Irish character is candid, full of quick, expanding fympathy, kind and facile to a fault, flow to hatred, free from fufpicion and captioufnefs. The tint of bigotry that it has worn is not its complexion, but the ftains that have tarnished its native hue; even thefe are not fixed nor permanent-they bleach and fade in the light, and, to be entirely effaced, require nothing but conftant expofure.

APPENDIX.

APPENDIX.

No. I.

The feveral Arguments of Sir Theobald Butler, Counsellor Malone, and Sir Stephen Rice, at the Bar of the House of Commons of Ireland, February 22d; and at the Bar of the House of Lords, February 28th, 1703, against passing the Bill entitled, An A to prevent the further Growth of Popery.

THE papifts of Ireland obferving that the Houfe of Com

mons were preparing the heads of a bill, to be tranfmitted to England, to be drawn up into an act, to prevent the further growth of popery, and having in vain endeavoured to put a stop to it there; at its remittance back again to Ireland, prefented to the House of Commons a petition, in the names of Nicholas Lord Viscount Kingfland, Colonel J. Brown, Colonel Burk, Colonel Robert Nugent, Major Pat. Allen, Captain Arthur French, and other Roman Catholics of Ireland, praying to be heard by their counsel against the paffing the faid bill, then under confideration of the faid House; and to have a copy of the bill, and a reafonable time to speak to it before it paffed. Which petition being referred to the committee of the whole House, to whom the confideration of the faid bill was referred, it was ordered, that the petitioners fhould have a copy of the said bill, and be heard by their counfel, before the faid committee.

And, in purfuance of that order, Sir Theobald Butler, Counfellor Malone, and Sir Stephen Rice, (the two first in their gowns as counsel for the petitioners in general, and the last without a gown, only as a petitioner in his private capacity), together with many others, upon Tuesday the 22d of February, 1703, appeared at the bar of the faid House of Commons, where Sir Theobald Butler first moved and acquainted the House, that," by the permiffion of that Houfe, he was come thither in behalf of himself, and the rest of the Roman Catholics GG 2

of

of Ireland comprifed in the Articles of Limerick and Galway, to offer fome reafons, which he and the rest of the petitioners judged very material against paffing the bill, entitled, An ad to prevent the further growth of popery; that, by leave of the Houfe, he had taken a copy of the faid bill (which he had there in his hand), and, with fubmiffion, looked upon it to tend to the deftroying of the faid articles, granted upon the moft valuable confiderations of furrendering the faid garrifons, at a time when they had the fword in their hands; and, for any thing that appeared to the contrary, might have been in a condition to hold out much longer, and when it was in their power to demand, and make for themselves fuch terms, as might be for their then future liberty, fafety, and fecurity; and that, too, when the allowing fuch terms were highly advantageous to the government to which they fubmitted; as well for uniting the people that were then divided, quieting and fettling the distractions and diforders of this then miferable kingdom, as for the other advantages the government would thereby reap in its own affairs, both at home and abroad; when its enemies were fo powerful both by fea and land, as to give doubt of interruption to its peace and fettlement.

"That, by fuch their power, thofe of Limerick did for themfelves, and others comprised, obtain, and make fuch articles, as by which, all the Irish inhabitants in the city and county of Limerick, and in the counties of Clare, Kerry, Cork, Sligo, and Mayo, had full and free pardon of and for all attainders, outlawries, treafons, mifprifion of treafons, felonies, trefpaffes, and other crimes whatever, which at any time from the beginning of King James the Second, to the 33 of October, 1691, had been acted, committed, or done by them, or any of them; and by which they and their heirs were to be forthwith put in poffeffion of, and for ever poffefs, and enjoy all and every of their freeholds and inheritance; and all their rights, titles, and interefts, privileges and immunities, which they and every of them held and enjoyed, and by the laws in force were entitled unto, in the reign of King Charles II. or at any time fince, by the laws and ftatutes that were in force in that reign, &c. And thereupon read fo much of the fecond article of Limerick, as tended to that purpose.

"That in the reign of King Charles the Second, the petitioners, and all that were entitled to the benefit of thofe articles, were in fuch full and free poffeffion of their eftates; and had the fame power to fell, or otherwife to difpofe, or convey them, or any other thing they enjoyed; and were as rightfully entitled to all the privileges, immunities, and other advantages whatever, according

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