sovereigns as Russia, for more than a century; consequently, there is no court in Europe where the nobility seek so much to distinguish themselves by talents and knowledge; and to this we are to add, that the natives of Russia, who have the advantage of education, shew uncommon abilities. In all the four wars of Russia with France, the Russian generals have distinguished themselves, and fallen into no errors*.

The Russian generals have displayed uncommon talents on all occasions, and their success has been proportioned to their talents. The wisdom of the Russian cabinet, and its true policy, have long been remarked by other nations.

Count Lieven was chosen from amongst the nobility of Russia, as a most fit ambassador to represent the emperor of the greatest nation of the north, on one of the most important occasions that ever occurred;

* The Four Wars.-First, under Swarrow in Italy. He succeeded till the jealousy of Austria got him into a snare. Second, when the Emperor was abandoned by his ally at Austerlitz. Third, when Prussia rashly advanced, and was defeated; and when England hung back, and the Emperor Alexander was obliged to sign the treaty of Tilsit. And fourth and last, the glorious, and ever memorable war of 1812-13.

and never was a mission attended with more honourable circumstances. The Russian ambassador is more like a member of the British cabinet, than a foreign minister. He represents a master whose views are so just, so noble, and so perfectly in unison with the good of mankind, and the views of the British court, that there is none of the diplomatic art necessary. We now see a diplomatic character without duplicity; a novelty which is owing to the excellent views of the Emperor Alexander; the honourable principles of the ambassador himself; and the fair intentions, and earnest wishes of the British government, to ensure the safety of Europe, in conjunction with those powerful nations who, encouraged by the Russian emperor, and aided by his powerful armies, are on the eye of putting an end to the misfortunes, under which the continent has laboured for nearly a quarter of a century*.

This new era produces new phenomena. To deceive, or at least to conceal the object in view, and the means of attaining it, were generally the employments of ambassadors. We now see an ambassador who has no view but to co-operate with the power to which he is sent. The emperor has not stipulated for half the pecuniary aid to which he is entitled, and which it would be wise to afford him.

It already appears that attempts will be made by the French and their numerous emissaries, to throw suspicions on the views of Russia, and to excite a fear that she aims at becoming the arbitrator of Europe, as a preliminary to becoming its master*. Both the inclination and interest of the French may lead to such an insinuation; for, mortified as they must be with their own failure, and desirous of avenging it on the nation which has been the immediate instrument of their humiliation, they will naturally endeavour to excite suspicion; but let it be in due time observed, that every circumstance tends to prove that the liberation of Europe, not its subjugation, are the views of the Emperor of Russia. His generals, who were so successful in beating the

The emperor has better and wiser views. Russia has sufficient extent of territory to advance agriculture, and improve the mechanical arts, which is all that is necessary to her becoming great and powerful; for which purpose great efforts will undoubtedly be made when peace is restored. A work on this subject is now preparing, intituled- An Inquiry into the Means by which the Russian Empire may find its Wealth, and productive Industry augmented three-fold, while the Revenues of the State would be doubled, and general Prosperity increased."

French on their own ground, have not taken the chief command in Germany, but they have actually fought under those whom, twelve-months ago, they were fighting against! Is this like ambition? Have not all the proclamations, and all the actions of the emperor shewn, that he considered the general liberty of Europe as essential to the safety and happiness of individual states? And has he not seen what is the terrible destiny of the man who has too inordinate ambition? Must Russia not learn a lesson from the enemy, and see, that to seek conquests, when a nation is already great, is attended with imminent danger?

It may be said, all this is true, but that the future emperors may not be so generous and just as the present magnanimous prince. It would indeed be very strange if there was to be such another prince on the same throne for a century to come, we must not therefore count upon that; but this we must insist upon, that by heading the present coalition, the emperor of Russia is doing the act that is of all others most likely to prevent any one power from attempting to rule over other nations; or if any one does make such an attempt, Russia shows the best mode of defeating it.

The Russian monarch's conduct is above suspicion, and it is to be unacquainted with the history of mankind, to suppose that any order of things can be established that may not, at some future day, be deranged by the ambition, the vice, or the ignorance of mankind; but we may say, in the language of the imperial proclamation that roused the continent —

"It would be an abuse of the goodness of Providence not to take advantage of this crisis, to reconstruct the equilibrium of Europe, and thereby insure public tranquillity, and individual happiness."

For this glorious purpose has the Emperor Alexander quitted his states, and for this glorious purpose has the Count de Lieven been sent to this country. The emperor, the ambassador, and the cause, are worthy of each other.