England, and England alone, of being the author of all their losses and misfortunes. England is, indeed, responsible to posterity for all the blood which has been shed during these twenty years, But at present it is in the power of all the cabinets of the continent to secure for themselves repose and prosperity, by seconding, with a good-will, and with energy, the efforts which the Emperor Napoleon is making, to compel England to give peace to the world, and to restore to all maritime nations the independence and the honour of their flags."

"Events will speedily show, that the continent of the two Americas cannot afford to British manufactures a market sufficient for their disposal; besides, the manufactures of Europe having been forcibly introduced, will soon be established, and as it were naturalized in North and South America; nay, finally, it is only necessary for a general and absolute interdiction to take place on the European continent, against all British merchandises, in order to compel the cabinet of London to make all proper restitution, and to enter into every sort of security, which the liberty and maritime prosperity of the people of other countries may require. In short, this cabinet has no longer the means of

preserving Great Britain from national bankruptcy, and total ruin, but by giving a speedy peace to the world."

"In reality, the maritime power of England must be viewed as an accidental force, which the cabinet of the Thuilleries will have at any time the power of modifying, and restraining within limits congenial with the interests of the French people; and we will even presume to say, agreeably to the interests of the British people!"

"The grand error of the English, that which is the cause of all the political blunders of their government, and which perpetuates its blindness is, that they can neither make allowance for the times, nor for the greatness of the French empire. The emperor Napoleon is not a mere King of France; he is the invincible child of victory, and with his power has begun the real race of the Cæsars; that which will never end; that which will never have an Augustulus nor a Louis le Debonnaire; that which will direct the fate of the world for a long series of ages."

"But the hostile and political revolution on the continent is irrevocably finished and consummated. The eighteenth of Brumaire is over in Europe! The French empire guarantees the destinies and

the peace of nations; the Napoleon dynasty is seated on immutable bases. The interest of all people, the honour and existence of all sovereigns, depend on the solidity of this glorious political system, on the immutability of this fortunate order of things."

"The docks of Amsterdam and Antwerp; of Brest, Rochefort, and Toulon; of Ferrol, Lisbon, Cadiz, Carthagena, Genoa, Naples, Venice, PortoRico, &c. will in a few months be filled with ships, at the voice of the emperor of the French. The squadrons which will issue from those ports will, by covering all the open seas of Europe, protect all people, and soon display their flags in the seas of America and India. On the day when the French flag shall appear in India, and join the Mahrattas, the British power will be destroyed! Great Britain is utterly unable to prevent or check this naval creation of France, or oppose its progress in a constant and victorious manner, The British ministry may, indeed, prevent for some time longer the maritime liberation of Europe; but its utmost incendiary violence cannot impede a developement of the forces which will result from the nature of events, and the system so happily and powerfully established on the continent. England can no

longer stop the progress of the naval power of the French empire."

"Mr. Perceval considers the imperial decrees as if they were temporary measures, of which it will be easy to elude the rigour; he views the commercial relations of England with the continent as being only interrupted; he does not consider them as irrevocably broken off! He hopes that a great quantity of British goods will find the means of getting on to the continent; he fully believes, like his predecessors, that he has to deal with an ordinary French king; he does not see that Napoleon is not a French king, but the emperor and the child of victory: he does not even dream that the Emperor Napoleon has pronounced an absolute interdiction against the colonial produce and the manufactures of Great Britain, and that the political system of the Thuilleries is as fixed and immutable as the power and glory of its sovereign!"

At last comes the grand consolation to Lord King, and those patriots who strike Britain like friends, on the same side that its enemy strikes in order to destroy.

"The chancellor of the exchequer said, that he was very far from wishing to propose the measure which forms the bill of Lord Stanhope, because he

had flattered himself that Lord King would have abandoned his fatal project of refusing bank notes in payment; but that he had changed his mind as to the necessity of this bill, when he saw a certain number of persons of great weight, and who aspired to the exclusive possession of all the patriotic virtues, all the talents, and all the knowledge of the statesman, approving, supporting, and even publicly applauding the dangerous plan which had given rise to this bill; an example which many other individuals might be induced to follow, and thus throw the government and the country into the greatest confusion. We give the prime minister's own words, because they perfectly express the very great embarrassments of the nation and the state; because they discover, besides, the equally great embarrassment of the genius of Mr. Perceval."

We have given those extracts from a sort of private manifesto of Buonaparte, to show not only his manner of reasoning, but the great similarity between it, and those men in this country to whom the writer alludes: men of great weight; men aspiring to all the talents, &c, who the writer boasts approved of Lord King's bill. Happy, happy lord, to have the praises of Buonaparte!