became angry and impertinent, Lord Whitworth, who is a very fine figure of a man, preserved a dignified attitude, and remembered that he represented the king of England. This occasioned Buonaparte's rage to redouble, and he had scarcely power to abstain from blows, observing, with his down-cast eyes, that his lordship wore a sword, and knowing that he would have used it.

We have heard much in Lord Whitworth's praise; and as the opposition papers were vexed when he was sent viceroy to Ireland, we have no doubt he will fill that high situation well, and keep that restless country quiet,

WILLIAM WILBERFORCE, ESQ. M. P.

THE portion of parliament known by the name of the Saints looks on Mr. Wilberforce as a sort of chief, and that sainted party gets daily more formidable.

The great affair, however, to which Mr. Wilberforce attaches his glory, and to which he trusts for immortal fame, is the abolition of the slavetrade.

It was not, however, necessary to belong to any very virtuous or religious order of men to vote for the abolition of so detestable, so inhuman, and so unchristian-like a commerce.

Mr. Fox was the person to whom the chief merit was due, and the country is at least indebted to his short administration for the happy termination of that disgraceful traffic.

It was to the benigu influence of the Christian religion that we owe the abolition of slavery all over the civilized world; but in this case it was not so much religion, but the gradual increase of know

ledge, and, with it, of liberality and humanity, that we owe the abolition of the slave-trade, and it did not require any great portion of talents, nor any daring degree of patriotism to oppose the minister in that.

No question, was ever agitated in such a disgraceful style of trimming as that relative to the abolition of that trade; Mr. Pitt the minister always voted with the minority, and in that shewed a want of candour that is not visible in any other part of his conduct*. It is the only stain on his political cha

It is much to be lamented that such a man should have left such a blot in his political escutcheon; but truth obliges us to notice it with the severity it deserves. We have not spared censure in any case where we thought it deserved; for, next to the shame of a member of parliament giving a hollow support to a cause, is that of a writer who professes seriously to speak what he thinks, and who does not do so. Perhaps the writer is the more blameable of the two; for he imposes the task on himself, whereas the other finds the task imposed on him. If there is any shade of difference, it is this that makes it, but, at all events, that difference is not great. It is the truth, as it appears to us, that we seek, and not the support of any party.

It would be great arrogance to maintain that we must be right; but we give our opinion, and our reasons for entertaining it, which seems to be all that is requisite; we may be liable to refutation, and

racter; but there is no denying that it is a great stain, and one that is blacker than the complexion of objects with whose liberty and happiness he trifles.

There were two errors committed by Mr. Pitt. The first was, in not supporting the cause of which he appeared to approve; and the second was, in not saying frankly and fairly, if he would not give it a solid support, that he had reasons of some sort

shall never refuse to listen to those who are of an opposite way of thinking.

In respect to a reform in parliament, Mr. Pitt acted in some degree in the same way, and we were always surprised that he did not openly avow his change of opinion, and give his reasons for it. Certain enough it is, that he had very good reasons for not supporting the measure seriously. During the first years of his administration, we were too soon after the American war to try so great an experiment; and the great change that took place in France where the trial of equal representation was to be made, was a sufficient cause for not making the same experiment at the same time. The miserable result and the fatal consequences, together with the war in which we have ever since been engaged, were reasons more than sufficient for a change of opinion on that subject. Mr. Pitt chiefly contended, that it was not the proper time: in this he was certainly right, but it is probable he, like many others who thought seriously on the subject, altered his opinion on the safety of the business altogether.

for changing his way of acting. By reasons of some sort we mean, either a change of opinion, or a change in what he conceived, as a minister, to be his duty. Approving highly of Mr. Pitt's general conduct, which was noble and manly, we can neither account for, nor excuse him for his parliamentary conduct in the slave-trade; and therefore, being unable to say more, we shall only lament that he gave such a conclusive proof of his not being exempt from the errors entailed on human na

ture.

Mr. Wilberforce, naturally a man of humanity, joined zealously in this good object; but there was no great merit in that. Had he done otherwise, it would have been contrary to his interest; and, though he made more noise about it than any other, he only contributed his share, and all his efforts would have been useless, had not Mr. Fox done the business when he came into office; as also, had Mr. Wilbeforce never interfered, it would probably have been accomplished all the same.

Mr. Wilberforce is said to have given dissatisfaction on two occasions in his political conduct with respect to his constituents. He is said to have been elected for Hull, on a promise of sitting for that city, and immediately, or soon after, canvassing for