consequences most afflicting to humanity. A standing law of Great Britain naturalises, as is well known, all aliens complying with conditions limited to a shorter period than those required by the United States: and naturalised subjects are, in war, employed by her government in common with native subjects. In a contiguous British province, regulations promulgated since the commencement of the war, compel citizens of the United States, being there under certain circumstances, to bear arms; whilst of the native emigrants from the United States, who compose much of the population of the province, a number have actually borne arms against the United States within their limits; some of whom, after having done so, have become prisoners of war, and are now in our possession. The British commander in that province, nevertheless, with the sanction, as appears, of his government, thought proper to select from American prisoners of war, and send to Great Britain for trial as criminals, a number of individuals, who had emigrated from the British dominions long prior to the state of war between the two nations, who had incorporated themselves into our political society, in the modes recognised by the law and the practice of Great Britain, and who were made prisoners of war, under the banners of their adopted country, fighting for its rights and its safety. The protection due to these citizens requiring an effectual interposition in their behalf, a like number of British prisoners of war were put into confinement, with a notification that they would ex perience whatever violence might be committed on the American prisoners of war sent to Great Britain. It was hoped that this necessary consequence of the step unadvisedly taken on the part of Great Britain, would have led her government to reflect on the inconsistencies of its conduct, and that a sympathy with the British, if not with the American sufferers would have arrested the cruel career opened by its example. This was unhappily not the case. In violation both of consistency and of humanity, American officers and non-commissioned officers, in double the number of the British soldiers confined here, were ordered into close confinement, with formal notice, that in the event of a retaliation for the death which might be inflicted on the prisoners of war sent to Great Britain for trial, the officers so confined would be put to death also. It was notified at the time, that the commanders of the British fleets and armies on our coasts are instructed, in the same event, to proceed with a destructive severity against our towns and their inhabitants. That no doubt might be left with the enemy of our adherence to the retaliating resort imposed on us, a correspondent number of British officers, prisoners of war in our hands, were immediately put into close confinement, to abide the fate of those confined by the enemy; and the British government has been apprised of the determination of this government, to retaliate any other proceeding against us, contrary to the legitimate modes of warfare. It is as fortunate for the United States, that they have it in their power to meet the enemy in thisdeplorable contest, as it is honourable to them, that they do not join in it but under the most imperious obligations, and with the humane purpose of effectuating a return to the established usages of war. The views of the French government on the subjects which have been so long committed to negociation, have received no elucidation since the close of your late session. The minister plenipotentiary of the United States at Paris had not been enabled, by proper opportunities, to press the objects of his mission, as prescribed by his instructions. The militia being always to be regarded as the great bulwark of defence and security for free states, and the constitution having wisely committed to the national authority a use of that force, as the best provision against an unsafe military establishment, as well as a resource peculiarly adapted to a country having the extent and the exposure of the United States; I recommend to congress a revision of the militia laws, for the purpose of securing more effectually the services of all detachments called into the employment and placed under the government of the United States. It will deserve the consideration of congress also, whether, among other improvements in the militia laws, justice does not require a regulation, under due precautions, for defraying the expense incident to the first assembling as well as to the subsequent movements of detachments called into the national service, To give our vessels of war, pub lic and private, the requisite advantage in their cruizes, it is of much importance that they should have, botis for themselves and their prizes, the use of the ports of friendly powers. With this view, I recommend to congress the expédiency of such legal provisions as may supply the defects, or remove the doubts of the executive authority, to allow to the cruisers of other powers, at war with enemies of the United States, such use of the American ports and markets as may correspond with the privileges allowed by such powers to American cruizers. During the year ending on the 30th of September last, the receipts into the treasury have exceeded thirty-seven millions and an half of dollars, of which twenty-four millions were the produce of loans. After meeting all the demands for public service, there remained in the treasury on that day, near seven millions of dollars. Under the authority contained in the act of the 2d of August last, for borrowing seven millions and half of dollars, that sum has been obtained on terms more favourable to the United States than those of the preceding loan made during the present year. Further sums to a considerable amount will be necessary to be obtained in the same way during the ensuing year; and from the increased capital of the country, from the fidelity with which the public engagements have been kept, and the public credit maintained, it may be expected on good grounds that the necessary pecuniary supplies will not be wanting. The expenses of the current year, year, from the multiplied operations falling within it, have necessarily been extensive. But on a just estimate of the campaign, in which the mass of them has been incurred, the cost will not be found disproportionate to the advantages which have been gained. The campaign has indeed, in its latter stages, in one quarter been less favourable than was expected; but in addition to the importance of our naval success, the progress of the campaign has been filled with incidents highly honourable to the American arms. The attacks of the enemy on Craney Island, on Fort Meigs, on Sackett's Harbour, and on Sandusky, have been vigorously and successfully repulsed: nor have they in any case succeeded on either frontier, excepting when directed against the peaceable dwellings of individuals, or villages unprepared or undefended. On the other hand, the move ments of the American army have been followed by the reduction of York, and of Forts George, Erie, and Malden; by the recovery of Detroit, and the extinction of the Indian war in the West; and by the occupancy or command of a large portion of Upper Canada. Battles have also been fought on the borders of the St. Lawrence, which, though not accomplishing their entire objects, reflect honour on the discipline and prowess of our soldiery, the best auguries of eventual victory. In the same scale are to be placed the late successes in the south, over one of the most powerful, which had become one of the most hostile also, of the Indian tribes.. Vol. LV. It would be improper to close this communication, without expressing a thankfulness, in which all ought to unite, for the numerous blessings with which our beloved country continues to be favoured; for the abundance which overspreads our land, and the prevailing health of its inhabitants; for the preservation of our internal tranquillity, and the stability of our free institutions: and above all for the light of divine truth, and the protection of every man's conscience in the enjoyment of it. And although among our blessings we cannot number an exemption from the evils of war, yet these will never be regarded as the greatest of evils by the friends of liberty and of the rights of nations. Our country has before preferred them to the degrading condition which was the alternative, when the sword was drawn in the cause which gave birth to our national independence: and none who contemplate the magnitude, and feel the value of that glorious event, will shrink from a struggle to maintain the high and happy ground on which it placed the American people. With all good citizens, the justice and necessity of resisting wrongs and usurpations no longer to be borne will sufficiently outweigh the privations and sacrifices inseparable from a state of war. But it is a reflection moreover, peculiarly consoling, that whilst wars are generally aggravated by their baneful effects on the internal improvements and permanent prosperity of the nations engaged in them, such is the favoured situation of the United States, that the ca2 G lamities lamities of the contest into which they have been compelled to enter, are mitigated by imimprovements and advantages, of which the contest itself is the source. If the war has increased the interruptions of our commerce, it has at the same time cherished and multiplied our manufactures, so as to make us independent of all other countries for the more essential branches, for which we ought to be dependent on none; and is even rapidly giving them an extent which will create additional staples in our future intercourse with foreign markets. If much treasure has been expended, no inconsiderable portion of it has been applied to objects durable in their value, and necessary to our permanent safety. If the war has exposed us to increased spoliations on the ocean, and to predatory incursions on the land, it has developed the national means of retaliating the former, and of providing protection against the latter; demonstrating to all, that every blow aimed at our maritime independence, is an impulse, accelerating the growth of our maritime power. By diffusing through the mass of the nation the elements of military discipline and instruction, by augmenting and disturbing warlike preparations applicable to future use, by evincing the zeal and valour with which they will be employed, and the cheerfulness with which every necessary burden will be borne; a greater respect for our rights, and a longer duration of our future peace, are promised, than could be expected without these proofs of the national character and resources. The war has proved, moreover, that our free government, like other free governments, though slow in its early movements, acquires in its progress a force proportioned to its freedom; and that the anion of these states, the guardian of the freedom and safety of all and of cach, is strengthened by every occasion that puts it to the test. In fine, the war, with all its vicissitudes, is illustrating the capacity and the destiny of the United States, to be a great, a flourishing, and powerful nation, worthy of the friendship which it is disposed to cultivate with all others; and, authorised by its own example, to require from all, an observance of the laws of justice and reciprocity. Beyond these, their claims have never extended; and in contending for these, we behold a subject for our congratulations, in the daily testimonies of increasing harmony throughout the nation, and may humbly repose our trust in the smiles of heaven on so righteous a cause. JAMES MADISON. elaration will prove to you with what views they have adopted this resolution; how just are the motives of their conduct; how pure and correct their intentions. "I suppose, with perfect confidence, that our entrance into Switzerland, will diffuse the most cordial joy among those who know how to appreciate, and take to heart, the true interests of their country; all the friends of the ancient independence, of the glory and welfare, in short, of the old Federative Constitution of Switzerland, which the whole world honoured and respected. I think myself entitled to expect the most friendly disposition, and every kind of aid and support, from this very numerous class of true and judicious patriots; who themselves feel how much the great object of the present war, namely, the re-establishment of a just and wise political system for all Europe, is essentially connected with the future destinies of Switzerland, and its great national interests. I fear no formal opposition, but from those who are so blind, or so degenerated from their ancestors, as to prefer the maintenance of French domination to the welfare of their fellow-citizens. I expect dissatisfaction or indifference, only from those, who, with upright intentions, regard the entrance of a foreign army into their country, as the greatest of calamities. The former, however, I trust, will find few partizans at a moment when sentiments truly national must resume the ascendancy by their own force, and when no foreign domination or oppression shall restrain the free suffrages of the Helvetic people. The latter, on the other hand, ought to feel that momentary sacrifices are well com- » pensated, when they purchase the greatest national blessings, liberty and future happiness; and that none but men of weak understandings, or blinded by selfishness, can be disposed to purchase the prolongation of an uncertain tranquillity, by a real decline, and by the permanent degradation of their country. "Every thing that is possible shall be scrupulously done to lighten the burthen inseparable from an army so numerous, whether by maintaining the most exact order and discipline, or by giving just indemnifications for all expenses relative to the support of the troops, or the means of transport. We enter among you as the friends of your country, of your name, of your rights; confident of your good-will and co-operation, we will act as such under all circumstances; we trust, also, to evacute your country as friends, carrying along with us your gratitude and benedictions, when we shall have attained the great object at which we aim; and secured the peace of the world at the same time with your liberty and happiness. (Signed) Field-Marshal Prince "General-in-Chief of the Grand |