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lamities of the contest into which they have been compelled to enter, are mitigated by imimprovements and advantages, of which the contest itself is the

source.

If the war has increased the interruptions of our commerce, it has at the same time cherished and multiplied our manufactures, so as to make us independent of all other countries for the more essential branches, for which we ought to be dependent on none; and is even rapidly giving them an extent which will create additional staples in our future intercourse with foreign markets.

If much treasure has been expended, no inconsiderable portion of it has been applied to objects durable in their value, and necessary to our permanent safety.

If the war has exposed us to increased spoliations on the ocean, and to predatory incursions on the land, it has developed the national means of retaliating the former, and of providing protection against the latter; demonstrating to all, that every blow aimed at our maritime independence, is an impulse, accelerating the growth of our maritime power.

By diffusing through the mass of the nation the elements of military discipline and instruction, by augmenting and disturbing warlike preparations applicable to future use, by evincing the zeal and valour with which they will be employed, and the cheerfulness with which every necessary burden will be borne; a greater respect for our rights, and a longer duration of our future peace, are promised, than could be expected without these

proofs of the national character and resources.

The war has proved, moreover, that our free government, like other free governments, though slow in its early movements, acquires in its progress a force proportioned to its freedom; and that the anion of these states, the guardian of the freedom and safety of all and of cach, is strengthened by every occasion that puts it to the test.

In fine, the war, with all its vicissitudes, is illustrating the capacity and the destiny of the United States, to be a great, a flourishing, and powerful nation, worthy of the friendship which it is disposed to cultivate with all others; and, authorised by its own example, to require from all, an observance of the laws of justice and reciprocity. Beyond these, their claims have never extended; and in contending for these, we behold a subject for our congratulations, in the daily testimonies of increasing harmony throughout the nation, and may humbly repose our trust in the smiles of heaven on so righteous a cause.

JAMES MADISON.

Proclamation of Prince Schwartz

enlerg to the Swiss.

"Inhabitants of Switzerland,The high Allied Powers, by whose order I enter upon the Swiss territory with the army entrusted to my command, have deemed it necessary to render an account to you, as well as to Europe, of the cause and the object of this enterprise, by a solemn declaration. That de

claration

elaration will prove to you with what views they have adopted this resolution; how just are the motives of their conduct; how pure and correct their intentions.

"I suppose, with perfect confidence, that our entrance into Switzerland, will diffuse the most cordial joy among those who know how to appreciate, and take to heart, the true interests of their country; all the friends of the ancient independence, of the glory and welfare, in short, of the old Federative Constitution of Switzerland, which the whole world honoured and respected. I think myself entitled to expect the most friendly disposition, and every kind of aid and support, from this very numerous class of true and judicious patriots; who themselves feel how much the great object of the present war, namely, the re-establishment of a just and wise political system for all Europe, is essentially connected with the future destinies of Switzerland, and its great national interests. I fear no formal opposition, but from those who are so blind, or so degenerated from their ancestors, as to prefer the maintenance of French domination to the welfare of their fellow-citizens. I expect dissatisfaction or indifference, only from those, who, with upright intentions, regard the entrance of a foreign ariny into their country, as the greatest of calamities. The

former, however, I trust, will find few partizans at a moment when sentiments truly national must resume the ascendancy by their own force, and when no foreign domination or oppression shall restrain the free suffrages of the Helvetic people. The latter, on the

other hand, ought to feel that momentary sacrifices are well compensated, when they purchase the greatest national blessings, liberty and future happiness; and that none but men of weak understandings, or blinded by selfishness, can be disposed to purchase the prolongation of an uncertain tranquillity, by a real decline, and by the permanent degradation of their country.

"Every thing that is possible shall be scrupulously done to lighten the burthen inseparable from an army so numerous, whether by maintaining the most exact order and discipline, or by giving just indemnifications for all expenses relative to the support of the troops, or the means of transport. We enter among you as the friends of your country, of your name, of your rights; confident of your good-will and co-operation, we will act as such under all circumstances; we trust, also, to evacute your country as friends, carrying along with us your gratitude and benedictions, when we shall have attained the great object at which we aim; and secured the peace of the world at the same time with your liberty and happiness.

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(Signed) Field-Marshal Prince "SCHWARTZENBEKG.

"General-in-Chief of the Grand "Allied Army." "Head-quarters, at Lorrach, "Dec. 21, 1813."

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Mediator of the Swiss Confedera-
tion, &c.
We have decreed, and
decree as follows :→→

Art. I. There shall be sent senators, or counsellors of state, into the military divisions, in quality of our commissioners extraordinary; they shall be accompanied by maitres des requetes, or auditors.

II. Our extraordinary commissioners are charged with accelerating,

1. The levies of the conscription.

2. The clothing, equipment, and arming of the troops.

3. The completing of the provisioning of fortresses.

4. The levy of horses required for the service of the army.

5. The leyy and organization of the national guards, conformably to our decrees.

Our said extraordinary commissioners shall be authorized to extend the dispositions of the said decrees to towns and places which are not comprehended in them.

III. Those of our said extraordinary commissioners who shall be sent into countries threatened by the enemy, shall order levies en masse, and all other measures whatever, necessary to the defence of the country, and commanded by the duty of opposing the progress of the enemy. Besides, special instructions shall be given them, according to the particular situation of the departments to which they shall be sent.

IV. Our extraordinary commis sioners are authorised to order all measures of high police, which circumstances, and the maintenance of public order, may demand.

V. They are likewise ordered to form military commissions, and

summon before them, or before the special courts, all persons accused of favouring the enemy, of being in communication with him, or of attempting the public tranquillity.

VI. They shall be authorised to issue proclamations, and pass decrees. The said decrees shall be obligatory upon all citizens. The judicial authorities, civil and military, shall be bound to conform themselves to them, and cause them to be executed.

VII. Our extraordinary commissioners shall correspond with our Ministers upon the objects relative to each service.

VIII. They shall enjoy in their respective capacities, the honours allowed to them by our regulations.

IX. Our Ministers are charged with the execution of the present decree, which shall be inserted in the bulletin of the laws. (Signed)

NAPOLEON.

By the Emperor, The Minister Secretary of State, (Signed) The Duke of BASSANO.

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Bubna, commanding the troops of of his Imperial and Royal Apostolic Majesty in our territories, having, with that view, required us to form a Provisional Government, in a way conformable to existing circumstances, which cannot be of long duration, and to the beneficent intentions of the august coalesced Sovereigns, we have thought it our duty to employ ourselves on an object so important; and the confidence which our fellow-citizens have had the goodness to repose in us, as well as a conviction of our duties towards them, have determined us to take on ourselves this honourable task. It is a task not altogether foreign to us, from the nature of the of fices which we have legally filled; and we have thought, that we shall deserve well of our country, by joining to ourselves some citizens who justly enjoy the public esteem and affection. In conscquence, we, the undersigned, constitute ourselves a government, under the title of Provisional Syndics and Council, with the charge of administering, and causing to be administered, police and justice, both civil and criminal, the finances, and every thing that relates to taxes and public receipts and expenditure; of preparing the laws and regulations which shall appear to us most consentaneous to our future existence; of delegating, if necessary, a part of these powers to committees, which shall

aid us in our numerous occupations; of adjoining to us labourers worthy of the public confidence ; in a word, of providing for every thing that a wisely organised political establishment requires; and all this, until the temporary circumstances in which this proceeding originates shall have ceased to exist.

Let us rely, then, on the beneficent intentions manifested towards us, and always exhibit ourselves such as we are at this moment, namely, as an association of enlightened and peaceable men, connected together by sentiments of reciprocal good-will and confidence, and by an attachment to all the duties which our country and religion impose upon us, and of which our ancestors have given us so fine an example.

Geneva, Dec. 30, 1813.

Lullin, A. S., Pictet, A. S.
Desarts, Gourgas, De la Rive,
Turettini, Prevost, Boin,-
Old Counsellors.

De Saussure, Saladin De Budé,
Pictet Des Rochemont, Sa-
rasin, Viollier, Calandrini,
sen. Couronne, Trembley
Van Berchem, Odier Ey-
nard, Schmidt Meyer, Dela
Rive Boissier, Vernet Pictet,
Falquet, jun. Micheli Ver-

drian. (Signed)

A. LULLIN, in the name of the Provisional Syndics and Council.

CHARACTERS

CHARACTERS.

CHARACTER OF GUSTAVUS ADOL
PHUS IV. LATE KING OF
SWEDEN, AND ACCOUNT OF HIS
DETHRONEMENT.

From Thomson's Travels in Sweden.

alter any resolution, however ab surd or ridiculous, which he had once formed, even though it were demonstrated to him by the clearest evidence, that persisting in it could lead only to disaster and ruin. Another quality in which he resembled Charles XII. was in his capacity of enduring cold, which was uncommonly great. He used to travel in the winter with only a slight covering, when his courtiers were trembling with cold under the load of two or three greatcoats and surtouts.

EFORE I went to Sweden, I was strongly impressed with a high opinion of the late King of Sweden, Gustavus Adolphus IV. as it had been drawn with so much zeal and apparent truth in the British Newspapers. I disapproved of the Swedish revolution, and was eager to learn the opinion entertained of it by well informed people in Sweden. I found every person concur in the same opinion, while the picture drawn of the conduct of Gustavus Adolphus was so different from what I had conceived from the statements in the English newspapers, that I was unwilling to admit it, and I yielded only to the evidence of well-au-vels in Germany, he got hold of a thenticated facts.

Gustavus IV. possessed certain qualities which gave him a resemblance to Charles XII. the prince, whose conduct he considered as a model for his imitation. Like Charles, he had an obstinacy of character so great that it was impossible to induce him to

Instead of defending his own frontiers, he left them defenceless to the invading energy, while the whole of his attention was turned to romantic schemes, altogether beyond the power of his resources to realise. He had early become the submissive votary of religion, or, more accurately speaking, of superstition, and during his tra

commentary on the Revelations, by a man of the name of Jung, which, though originally written in German, had been translated into Swedish. This book became the subject of his assiduous study; the opinions which it contained, were implicitly adopted, and regulated all his conduct. The second beast described

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