believed might yet be made more stringent, ought to drive any idea of slavery from so wise a head as that of his hon. and gallant friend the Member for the Isle of Wight. And as for "flooding the country" with Chinese there seemed to be no precaution which had not already been. thought of to prevent the occurrence of so lamentable a result. In the interests of the Transvaal he thought this Ordinance ought to be ratified by the House, as an experiment, if they would, and with a time limit. But when all was said and done, he did think that the affairs of the Transvaal had reached a crisis neither healthy for the colony nor creditable to our repution as a Colonial Empire. It was rather unfair, surely, that the Transvaal should be dependent, as it was dependent,upon a foreign Government for 88 per cent. of its mining labour. That was, however, the fact. President Kruger concluded treaties with the Government of Portugal; and in return for allowing him to recruit Kaffir boys in Portuguese East Africa for the Transvaal mines he gave Portugal free trade

and he was the sole opponent of Asiatic labour. He believed that that showed that the British subjects of the Transvaal were in favour of Chinese labour rather than face ruin.

They had, therefore, practically the whole British in the Transvaal friendly to this importation scheme. Who were against it? Not the Boer population, who stood aloof in spite of the active propaganda fostered amongst them by the Dutch party in the Cape Colony. That was a significant fact, but easily explained when it was realised that the Boers, of all people, were acutely conscious of the shortage of labourers for mining or for any other purpose in the Transvaal. No, the real opposition came from Cape Colony-from that section of the Cape Parliament whose sole desire was to get the Transvaal Government into difficulties, to discredit Lord Milner, to bring about an overwhelming demand for and to regain for the Boers by the self-government in the new colonies, ballot box what they lost by the sword. Every day their chaplain prayed that with the Transvaal. He also arranged they might not be "blinded by private that if Durban in Natal, and East London interest, prejudice, or partial affections," in Cape Colony, wanted railways to and he hoped this would not be forgotten Pretoria they must always charge 20 in the division lobby. By their votes per cent. more per mile than was charged they would assume the responsibility for on the Delagoa Railway, all of which but making or marring the future of 100 miles belonged to President Kruger. British colony which was in urgent need The House knew that at the Bloemfontein at the present moment. "Shareholders Conference, when there was a proposal to can wait for dividends," said Sir P. federate all South Africa in a Customs Fitzpatrick himself," but white men Union, the Portuguese Minister at once cannot wait for bread." Let them not be said, "If you give the same privilege in afraid to face their constituents with the sending merchandise into the Transvaal as whole story of this thing, and prove, as we have got, we shall shut off your supply they could prove up to the hilt, that if the of Kaffir labour recruited from Portuguese white man was to earn a living wage for territory." The Portuguese Government himself and his family in the Transvaal, had Great Britain in the hollow of their without being reduced to Kaffir work, hands. He had read all the evidence, and there must be a huge increase had tried to decide for himself impartially unskilled labour which at the present upon this subject, and it seemed to him time was only forthcoming from China. that there was overwhelming testimony Let them shatter for ever the idle that there was a demand and a necessity superstition that "the Transvaal exists for Asiatic labour from the whole British and is run for the benefit of German population of the Transvaal, and of capitalists.'" It was a shameful libel upon Johannesburg in particular. He did not any British colony to say that. There think there would be very much fear of were hundreds of Englishmen, Scotchmen, going to a referendum on this subject. and Irishmen, as honest as the day, living Only a month or two ago the municipal on the Rand, and he pleaded for them and council nominated by Lord Milner were the country they had so largely helped to re-elected by the people of Johannesburg develop. Those pioneers of British on a very low franchise, all but one man, industry and civilisation found the

1

a

in

Transvaal accessible only by bullock South Africa and also to black labour in
tracks, and they had webbed it with South Africa.
railways; they found there a population
which could only find fern wood for
fuel, and they now supplied the colony
with coal; they found there but a few
running streams of water, but there now
existed there a network of dams and
reservoirs supplemented by an outlay of
£2,000,000 or £3,000,000 for water for
the Rand. They had tapped the brains of
the world for their industry, the harvest
was ready but the labourers were few.
Therefore he held it to be the duty of the
House to help, and not to hinder and
harass, the prosecution of this work of
development by ratifying the Ordinance
without delay.

His first proposition was that the Government, as such, had in point of fact not inquired into this subject of Chinese labour. He would go farther and say that this Government, although apprised of the movement, had deliberately shut the mouths of witnesses who were prepared to give their testimony upon the Chinese labour question. The terms of the reference to the Transvaal Labour Commission were framed carefully and in such a manner that they excluded this question from the Commission. Why was the reference so framed? This was not a new question. Those acquainted with the management of affairs in South Africa were quite familiar with the topic *MR. THOMAS SHAW (Hawick of the importation of Chinese labour. If Burghs) said his hon. friend opposite had there was the urgency now claimed and addressed the House with his usual a Commission and machinery ready for clearness. Let it be remembered, how inquiry, why was the Chinese question ever, that all the progress and advance- not put under investigation instead of ment made in South Africa which the being excluded from the terms of the hon. Member had so well described had reference? Why, when there had been been accomplished, not by, but without a maximum of premeditation in certain the introduction of foreign labour. He quarters outside were they to be left with spoke of the dignity of labour, but in only a minimum of deliberation in this the next sentence they discovered what House? Not only were the terms of he meant by it. It was consistent in reference carefully drawn, but there was the hon. Member's view, with the dignity also a rigorous suppression of evidence of labour that it should be forced. The that was ready to hand. He wished to hon. Member dilated on the morality of tell the Colonial Secretary frankly that the operation of the enforcement of he did not think it made for harmony labour, and mentioned that the Directors in the relations of one race to another, were the trustees of the shareholders in to use such language as he employed last the mines. He wanted to point out that night with regard to General Botha, who they in this House of Commons were also was spoken of in terms which implied and trustees-trustees for millions of British expressed that he had suppressed subjects and for the cause of liberty. evidence. There was a suppression What was the general nature of this evidence: but it was not suppression by Ordinance? It was an Ordinance to General Botha, but suppression by the facilitate the establishment of a convict Labour Commission of the evidence of settlement mitigated by the chance of a General Botha. General Botha had forty-eight hours ticket-of leave. They actually prepared a written statement were to have a Government Inspectorate of the evidence he was willing to lay both in Africa and China, and although before the Commission appointed to inthis was to be set up in the interests vestigate the shortage of labour; but when of the mines, he had not yet heard that he tendered that evidence they declined the mines were to contribute anything to receive it. Reference was made by the towards the expense. This Ordinance Colonial Secretary to General Botha declinappeared to him to be inconsistent with ing to have his views expressed by some the elementary notions of freedom; and other person. What would the right hon. Gentleman have done if a Government having gone through much of the Blue- Commission had declined to accept his books on this subject, he had come to evidence direct? Would he have perthe conclusion that this Ordinance was mitted any man to give it second-hand antagonistic both to white labour in for him? General Botha was asked if

of

re

nant to the feelings of the British
had stated
people? General Botha

bject, "who would not, however, con- | General Botha's view as to these
sent to the employment of coercion." was accepted by the large majority of the
his apparently occurred in the Spring white people of South Africa, both Dutch
of 1895, and in the end of 1895 and British. In the period he
they had the Jameson Raid. It failed; ferred to,
It failed; ferred to, British money was being
and, after order was restored, the same spilled like water, first over a system of
scheme, culminating in this Ordinance, was military operations, and secondly in
resumed. Yet in 1897 and 1898 they restoring the havoc and devastation
found a marvellous change. Order had caused by the war. Why should they,
been restored, and to the surprise of the during a period of transition such as he
nine-owners themselves, the supply of had described, be hustled into adopting
labour began to exceed the demand, an Ordinance which was repug-
and down went wages for a time.
Were they content? Not at all. Instead
of making the supply equate with the
demand, and the demand of the mine-
owners equate with the supply, the
mining industry was worked to
utmost limit, and in the end of 1898 a
new shortage, on account of the great
development of the industry again
appeared. The coercion of labour could
not be hoped for, and then in 1899 they
had war. Such was the sequence of
events, and what a story it was!
This was a project from beginning to end
to lower wages and raise profits, and a
scheme to do that regardless of the
ordinary economic conditions of South
Africa.

its

He thought he had proved his point as to the reduction of wages, but his second point was settled in a somewhat curious way by the party which was now agitating for this Ordinance. It was settled shortly after the war, on 25th October, 1900, when the Chamber of Mines reported that the schedule of wages in existence prior to the war had been abandoned and instead of about £4 per month a scale with a minimum of 30s. and a maximum of 35s. per month had been adopted. If that reduction of wages had not taken place one large element of the very difficulties which had been the excuse for this Ordinance would, in his opinion, have disappeared The natives had had every inducement to go elsewhere. There was unsettlement over half the continent and an enormous demand for military assistance. The drafting of men from the mines was in part because they got better pay during military operations. Could this Government not wait for anything? Here they were only at the beginning of 1904, and after the war in South Africa, was nothing to be allowed to the recuperative powers of nature or the healing influences cf time?

war.

that the Kaffirs were returning, and “while
six months ago I could not obtain
a single Kaffir I have now from thirty to
thirty-five." General Botha agreed that the
present state of things with regard to
shortage of labour was exceptional and
condition of things after the
was brought about by the abnormal
Patience was what was required :
above all things, patience. Now the
efforts made to carry this Ordinance were
characterised in the first place by threats;
in the second place by a determined sup
pression and distortion of public and
private opinion; thirdly, by a complete
regard for the gold industry; and fourthly,
by a lack of due regard for British interests
and for human freedom. Some curious
things occurred in regard to these threats.
They were expressed as follows in the
Majority Report-

The

letter

what happened to the man who produced
Mr. Tarbutt's letter?
which appeared in the Star of Johannes-
burg on 19th November, 1903, showed
the unscrupulous tactics adopted by the
mine-owners; and Mr. Creswell was told
that at a meeting of his directors great
surprise was expressed at the tenor of his
evidence! Then came the whole sordid
and dishonouring story which culminated

heard of a letter from Mr. Tarbutt, but | Star has chosen the other; and as from either point of view the question is of the first importance the position has now become impossible. To the policy of Chinese immigration, to which the Chamber of Mines has decided to vote its energy, the present Editor of the Star remains absolutely opposed and declines in any way to identify himself with such an experiment. To the ideal of a white South Africa, which, to whatever qualifications it may necessarily be subject, is something very different from the ideal of a Chinese South Africa, he resolutely clings with perfect faith that, whatever its enemies may do to-day that, ideal will inevitably prevail. But as the financial houses which control the mining industry of the Transvaal have for the present enrolled themselves among its enemies the present Editor of the Star withdraws."

ence

Was he not right in saying that those Gentlemen were adepts in the art of suppressing and distorting both private and public opinions?

in the dismissal of this man who had told the truth and who had produced a most damning piece of evidence against the gold mining speculators. They were asked to trust the Chamber of Mines; but if any of the members of that Chamber had so dealt with Mr. Creswell with referto the evidence given before a Committee of this House, the Chamber of Mines might have been condemned to а convict settlement, though without a forty-eight hours *THE SECRETARY OF STATE FOR ticket-of-leave. One of Mr. Creswell's THE COLONIES (Mr. LYTTELTON, Warcomplaints was that in giving his evidence he was not permitted to go into the general state of the mines in the neighbourhood. Take next the case of Mr. Monypenny. With regard to Mr. Monypenny he confessed he heard with great surprise what the Colonial Secretary said about him. He admitted the right of the mine - owners to dismiss Mr. Monypenny; but he asked the House to consider his position. Here was a man who wrote what he knew was unpopular with his employers, and he thought that was a man the House of Commons would willingly rely upon. He said

"For twelve or fifteen months the Star has consistently opposed the policy to which the Chamber of Mines has now committed itself. We have opposed it because, on general principles, we have no faith in short cuts to prosperity or in mechanical solutions of organic problems. We have opposed it because we are convinced that no real trial has been given to the alternatives, and that this policy is a policy of despair only to be tolerated when every other expedient has failed. It is a deliberate attempt to arrest, and, in the interests of impatience, artificially to reverse a process of evolution whose results are already beginning to be visible, and which promises in the course of time to emancipate South Africa from that complete dependence on inferior coloured labour which has hitherto limited its development."

Further on he said

"The financial houses, in whom in the present instance, those rights are vested, have chosen one side of the question, the Editor of the

wick and Leamington): My hon. friend says that I threw discredit upon Mr. Monypenny. I certainly did not do so, and I did not say a word to that effect.

*MR. THOMAS SHAW said he had accepted to the full the statement of his right hon. friend. What he meant was that when they had a man in Mr. Monypenny's position willing to sacrifice his position for his testimony his opinions deserved far higher credit than they had received. They had reached a state of things when the evidence of the Commission was deprived of all weight whatever. The Commission had packed and unpacked the witness box: and as for public opinion, he would as soon take the verdict of Park Lane on democracy or set himself to study some new pamphlet on "Liberty from a financial point of view." Those cases--Creswell and Monypenny-were instances of how this poison was working. Upon the force of attraction (after all, a plain and peaceful economic force) the Report said—

"There are, nevertheless, many other elements in the problem. Viewed, for example, from the standpoint of what may be called the attractive forces, the supply is affected by such elements as rate of wages, working condition, nature of treatment by employers, cheap and rapid means of communication and so forth."

but as the effect of wages is merely attractive "This conclusion appears to be well founded, and not coercive the probable result of the reduction of wages by the mines was merely to