(Answered by Mr. Wyndham.) Yes, Sir; (Answered by Mr. Atkinson.) I should the question is still under consideration. hope next week.

(Answered by Mr. Wyndham.) The following promotions to the ranks mentioned have been made since 1st Decem-tary of State for War whether he will ber, 1901 :

the same problem faced social reformers | Whilst saying that, he must not be taken and statesmen, and cried aloud for solu- as accepting the point of view of those tion. who held that free trade had solved our social problem. It had not. Much remained to be done-much that would be in direct conflict with the theories underlying the free-trade agitation. So long as nearly one-third of our population were living either in poverty or on the edge of poverty, the condition of the working classes could not be regarded as satisfactory. Free trade offered no remedy for that state of affairs: it maintained the status quo, but he preferred the status quo, bad as it was, to the horrors which obtained under protection early in the last century.

It would probably be said that alien immigration was largely responsible for the present condition of affairs. It might be that in one or two specific and local cases, such as in the East End of London and in certain parts of Leeds, the foreigner did compete successfully with the British working men, and that in those cases employment for the Britisher might be more plentiful if aliens were scarcer, but that had no bearing whatever on the question he was endeavouring to put before the House. It was not alien competition, but shortage of trade, that caused lack of employment in the shipbuilding, engineering, and iron works, and the stopping of the incoming of aliens was not likely appreciably to affect the gravity of the unemployed trouble. In view of recent discussions, it would probably be said that free imports were responsible for the depression in trade. That was a stronger case. He regarded with considerable appreciation the fact that the ex-Colonial Secretary should have raised this question in the prominent way in which it had been raised of late, as it had directed attention to social and industrial problems which must be faced if our national existence was to be maintained. But the remedy propounded would but increase the trouble of which they complained. In Germany, as against our 4.4 per cent., the number out of work was 11 cent., and in parts of America, such as the State of New York, the number for certain trades was as high as 17 per cent. The condition of the worker in those protected countries was as the position of the worker here: he got as much for his labour as his trade union and the state of the market could extort or obtain, and nothing beyond. The condition of the German worker had considerably improved within the last ten or twelve years, but the improvement was due almost entirely to the better trades union organisation of the workers, and not to the fiscal policy of the country; Protection, so far from increasing, would materially diminish the amount of employment in the country, and would make life harder for the toilers of the land.

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What were the powers possessed by various authorities for dealing with this question ? Local authorities were straining their resources to the uttermost in the endeavour to find work for their people. But that was really no part of the duty of a local authority. Necessary works might be put in hand during periods of depression, but it was usually a costly method of carrying out local improvements. Municipal authorities should be free to carry out their improvements at times most suitable and under the best conditions, and not be more or less compelled to carry out such works during periods of trade depression, in order to tide over the workers who were otherwise unable to find employment. Boards of guardians were the only authorities at present empowered to deal with the question. The foundation of the Poor Law in England was to provide work for the able-bodied unemployed and relief for the incapable and sick. It was no part of the theory of the English Poor Law that relief should be given to the able-bodied. Boards of guardians had the powers originally conferred on the vestries, to the extent that each board might acquire 50 acres of land, establish workshops, equip those workshops with machinery, employ men at wages to carry on manufactures, and sell the produce He submitted that they could do that without any taint of Poor Law attaching to it; that was to say, no disfranchisement would follow. As showing how much England had departed from its ideal in this matter, he might quote an interesting

document issued by the Secretary of State as far back as 1694

no means to maintain themselves, nor use no

question and the importance attached to it by local authorities he wished to refer "Mandate issued in 1694 addressed to the to a conference held in February last Overseers of the Poor and to the Churchwardens in the Guildhall. At one of its sittings it for the setting to work of all the poor within was presided over by the hon. Member your parishes. By virtue of this statute made in the three and fortieth year of the Reign of for South Islington, the Member for our late Sovereign Lady Queen Elizabeth for Cambridge University being also present, the relief of the Poor: These are to will and as well as a good many dignitaries require you, whose names are here underwritten, of the Church and gentlemen promithat you, together with the Churchwardens of nent in connection with local your Parish for the time being, do according to the same statute, take order from time to time, government. At that Conference there (for this year to come) for the setting to work were present 587 delegates, of whom 123 all the Poor within your parish (as well married as unmarried) that are able to work, and have councils. The Corporation of the City of were councillors sent by the various ordinary and daily Trade of Life to get their London, the London County Council, and living by. And also for the placing out as Ap- the City and Borough Councils of such prentices all such children within your said important centres as Liverpool, ManParish as are fit to be put forth, whose parents chester, Sheffield, Bradford, Newcastleare not able to keep and maintain them. And also for the raising of a convenient stock of Flax, on-Tyne and Wolverhampton were all Hemp, Wool, Thread, Iron and other necessary represented. That gathering sat for two Ware and Stuff in your said Parish for that days and certain resolutions were carried. purpose; and also for the providing of necessary The main resolution was to the following relief for all such Poor within your said Parish, as are Lame, Old, Blind, Impotent, and unable effectto work, wherein if you be found negligent, or shall fail to meet once a Month to confer together for the purpose aforesaid, then you are to forfeit 20s. apiece for every Month that you shall be found remiss or careless therein. And therefore see that you fail not in these Premises at your peril."

That was a State document issued about 1694. He hoped the day was not far distant when a similar document would be issued to local authorities carrying due punishment for remissness of duty.

What were the trades unions doing to meet this? He had quoted figures showing the number of unemployed among shipwrights, boiler-makers, and engineers. He would now quote the amount paid by them last year, not for strike pay, or superannuation, or sick benefit, but exclusively to those unable to get employment. The shipwrights paid £6,000, the boilermakers £90,000, and the Amalgamated Society of Engineers £22,000. If they turned to the Board of Trade figures for all trades unions in the ten years ending 1901 it would be found that 100 trades unions paid out-of-work benefit to the extent of £3,280,755. Out of their own pockets the trades unions helped their unfortunate fellows to the extent of nearly £3,500,000 in ten years. Surely then the State should have no hesitation in attempting to do its duty when the private individual was endeavouring to do so much. To show the gravity of this

"That this Conference (a) realising that the interests of industry are the paramount interests of the community, and that the problem of the unemployed should be dealt with in a sympathetic as well as in a practical manner, urges upon the Government (b) the necessity of appointing a Minister of Labour duties it shall be to organise a special departwith a seat in the Cabinet, one of whose ment of his office to deal with recurring periods of depression and distress, to watch for and to notify indications of approaching of Trade statistics, to obtain and to dis lack of employment, to supplement the Board seminate information as to places where work can be had, to help in distributing labour where it is most needed, and, above all, to and permanent utilisation of the unemployed devise and promote measures for the temporary labour of the nation."

Then it goes on with recommendations which he would deal with later on. This Conference, representing the boards of guardians and the great city councils of large centres of population, passed this resolution with absolute unanimity, and as their spokesman he suggested the creation of a Labour Department. They passed one other resolution. It was somewhat lengthy, but in view of the importance of it the House would perhaps pardon him reading it. It was as follows

"That seeing the President of the Local Government Board has power under existing laws to group parishes and unions to carry out such work as they individually are able to do under the powers conferred on them by

Parliament, and as such power is frequently used by the Local Government Board to form