tyranny of the Gallic despot has goaded them, must be carried on without compromise or relation, and with accelerates force. What can be the object of such a species of conciliation? It will not, Spaniards, be for that of your happiness and repose, or to make reparation for the various insults and accumulated injuries inflicted upon you! No: the souls of tyrants are never actuated by the impulse of virtue. Napoleon is instinctively malignant. This has been terribly exemplified with respect to us already. He again seeks to enslave us, to render us the unhappy instrument of his insatiable ambition. Your admirable patriotism, courage, and constancy, have hitherto disconcerted his iniquitous projects. Spain has successfully resisted him, to whose triumphal car all the kings of Europe succumb. The subtle tyrant has self-consulted a project for subjugating Spain; he feels, the ruling virtue of genuine Spaniards is that of loyalty to their sovereigns. He beholds the unpractised Ferdinand in his power; he conceives the expedient of send. ing him to Spain in the insidious character of an adopted son; but in effect as a degraded instrument. He knows his influence, and hopes to bring about a tranquil submission by his means. He sees that America already acknowledges his sway; but should this illustrious and devoted missionary be unsuccessful, he sees at least that the Spaniards will be divided, and the seeds sown of dissension and distrust, and thinks that the wavering and unprincipled among us will excuse their de sertion, under the pretext of adhering to the fortunes of Ferdinand.

But, Spaniards, all these insidious machinations will vanish like the mists before the sun of your

rectitude and true interests. Let us continue loyal to Ferdinand. What nation has ever given such proofs of loyalty to its sovereign? [Here a variety of signal instances are cited.] But, suppose Bonaparte should prevail on the captive prince to enter Spain; will he be the same, the adored monarch of our choice? No; Ferdinand Napoleon can never be Ferdinand de Bourbon. No; he would be the servile instrument of the Corsican Attila, encircled by atrocious Gauls, and degraded Spaniards instead of free and generous subjects. His identity would no longer exist. You would never become the deceived victims of such an illusion, and the crown which the tyrant would apparently restore, would form a new emblem of mockery and insult.

Political independence and social felicity were our objects when, at Aranjuez, we tried to seat on the Spanish throne a prince idolized by us for his amiable and benevolent disposition. Such are still the objects of the Spanish people, for which they have already sustained a three years sanguinary warfare, and have latterly convened the extraordinary cortes of the Spanish monarchy. To defend the country against its actual enemies, and to secure its future independence, is the universal wish of the people, and the sworn duty of their representatives; they wish for a monarchical constitution, but one free and equitable, as now contemplated by those representatives! Napoleon is deceived as to our real objects. Spaniards combat not for vain glory, or for undefined or unjust objects; our political independence, domestic tranquillity and freedom, and the integrity of our territories, are our real and only objects.

Let

Let us announce to all Europe, that Spaniards contemplate with astonishment and admiration the spirited and generous exertions of our allies. Let us express our gratitude to our brethren in America, who have with such enthusiastic loyalty asserted the cause of the mother country, and present such - a striking contrast to the vile assassins of the crafty tyrant. Let us evince to the world, that the immense power of our common enemy will not avail against the impregnable barrier of your heroic virtue, though he should take advantage of the helpless situation of a young and unpractised prince, and convert him personally into the blind instrument of his atrocious projects.

The cortes, the legitimate interpreters of your wills in this terrible crisis, swear solemnly, in your name, before the Supreme Being, in presence of all the nations of the earth, and of the august and beneficent ally in particular, not to lay down their arms, nor afford the enemy a moment of repose, nor to enter into any concert or agree ment with him, until he shall have previously evacuated the territories of Spain, and those of our neighbouring and illustrious ally, Portugal! Unite with us in this solemm oath, all you respectable clergy who wish to maintain the cause of our altars and our holy religion; all you ennobled Spaniards, if you pretend, in imitation of your ancestors, to defend the throne and the country; and all you industrious and commercial citizens, and proprietors of every description, repine not at any sacrifices you may make for objects so justly dear to you: recollect and consider the barbarous and profane atrocities of your relentless enemy!

If any amongst you prefer wearing the mark of inglorious slavery in your unmanly foreheads, let him fly the land of heroic freedom, and on him be the indignant curses of the nation.

Given at the royal isle of Leon, the 9th of January, 1811.

ALONSE CANEDO, president.
JOSE MARTINEZ, dep. sec.
JOSE AZNAREZ, dep sec.

PROCLAMATION.

Frankfort, Fb. 3. 1811. We, Charles, by the grace of God, prince primite of the confederation of the Rhine, grand duke of Frankfort, &c. being disposed to execute the part of the duty which is imposed upon us, as regards our territory:

Whereas his majesty the emperor of the French, by an imperial decree issued from the palace of Fontainebleau in the last month, has decreed that on the 19th Feb. of the present year a certain number of men shall be provided for foreign service in the states of the' Rhenish confederation; and whereas the contingent which falls upon us is to provide immediately 2800 men, we have deemed it expedient to order that this force shall be raised with all convenient speed.

With impressions of gratitude to his imperial majesty, and with the greatest willingness to do our duty, by our decree, we have exhorted every citizen of Strasburg, and the inhabitants, as they love their native land, or his property and family, to deliver in their names to the military conscription, which is the foundation of the success of all the undertakings of his majesty, and of the welfare of the state.

In order to secure as soon as possible the recruits which are required by his majesty, and which (N 3)

have

have been provided in other states, we have directed the prefects of the four military departments of our Grand Duchy to make out a formula, which is to be filled up by the inhabitants, who are to state the number of young persons within their control, of the various classes liable to the conscription.

It is necessary that we should remark by the way, that no rank or situation can be considered exceptions, but every individual, without reserve, shall be compelled to serve, or find a substitute.

These lists of conscription, when prepared, shall be delivered into our war department; and then they shall be inspected by us, and our further commands upon the same shall be made known.

Given at Frankfort, 29th Jan. 1811.
CHARLES, grand duke.

IMPORTANT CORRESPONDENCE BE-
TWEEN THE PRINCE REGENT AND
MR. PERCEVAL.

THE PRINCE REGENT'S LETTER.

Carleton-house, Feb. 4, 1811. The prince of Wales considers the moment to be arrived, which calls for his decision with respect to the persons to be employed by him, in the administration of the executive government of the coun try, according to the powers vested in him by the bill passed by the two houses of parliament, and now on the point of receiving the sanction of the great seal.

The prince feels it incumbent upon him, at this precise juncture, to communicate to Mr. Perceval his intention not to remove from their stations those whom he finds there as his majesty's official servants. Ar the same time the prince owes it to the truth and sincerity of character, which, he trusts, will appear in every action of his life,

in whatever situation placed, explicitly to declare, that the irresistible impulse of filial duty and affection to his beloved and afflicted father, leads him to dread that any act of the regent might, in the smallest degree, have the effect of interfering with the progress of bis sovereign's

recovery.

This consideration alone dictates the decision now communicated to Mr. Perceval.

Having thus performed an act of indispensable duty, from a just sense of what is due to his own consistency and honour, the prince has only to add, that, among the many blessings to be derived from his majesty's restoration to health, and to the personal exercise of his royal functions, it will not, in the prince's estimation, be the least, that that most fortunate event will at once rescue him from a situation of unexampled embarrassment, and put an end to a state of affairs ill calculated, he fears, to sustain the interests of the united kingdom in this awful and perilous crisis, and most difficult to be reconciled to the genuine principles of the British constitution.

MR. PERCEVAL'S ANSWER.

Downing-street, Feb. 5, 1811. Mr. Perceval presents his humble duty to your royal highness, and has the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your royal highness's letter of last night, which reached him this morning.

Mr. Perceval feels it his duty to express his humble thanks to your royal highness for the frankness with which your royal highness has condescended, explicitly, to communicate the motives which have induced your royal highness to honour his colleagues and him with your commands for the con

tinuation

tinuation of their services, in the stations intrusted to them by the king. And Mr. Perceval begs leave to assure your royal highness, that, in the expression of your royal highness's sentiments of filial and loyal attachment to the king, and of anxiety for the speedy restoration of his majesty's health, Mr. Perceval can see nothing but additional motives for their most anxious exertions to give satisfaction to your royal highness, in the only manner in which it can be given, by endeavouring to promote your royal highness's views for the security and happiness of the country.

Mr. Perceval has never failed to regret the impression of your royal highness, with regard to the provisions of the regency, which his majesty's servants felt it to be their duty to recommend to parliament. But he ventures to submit to your royal highness, that, whatever difficulties the present awful crisis of the country and the world may create in the administration of the executive government, your royal highness will not find them in any degree increased by the temporary suspension of the exercise of those branches of the royal prerogatives which has been introduced by parliament in conformity to what was intended on a former similar occasion; and that whatever ministers your royal highness might think proper to employ, would find, in that full support and countenance, which, as long as they were honoured with your royal highness's commands, they would feel confident they would continue to enjoy, ample and sufficient means to enable your royal highness effec. tually to maintain the great and important interests of the united kingdom.

And Mr. Perceval humbly trusts, that, whatever doubts your royal highness may entertain with respect to the constitutional propriety of the measures which have been adopted, your royal highness will feel assured, that they could not have been recommended by his majesty's servants, nor sanctioned by parliament, but upon the sincere, though possibly erroneous, conviction, that they in no degree trenched upon the true principles and spirit of the constitution.

Mr. Perceval feels it his duty to add, that he holds himself in readiness, at any moment, to wait upon your royal highness, and to receive any commands with which your royal highness may be graciously pleased to honour him.

SPEECH OF THE PRINCE REGENT.

12. The lords commissioners (the archbishop of Canterbury, the lord chancellor, the duke of Montrose, earl Camden, and the earl of Westmoreland) being seated on the woolsack, the lord chancellor read the following most gracious speech:

My lords, and gentlemen, In execution of the commission which has now been read to you, we are commanded by his royal highness the prince regent to express, in the strongest manner, how deeply he laments, not only in common with all his majesty's loyal subjects, but with a personal and filial affliction, the great national calamity which has been the occasion of imposing upon his royal highness the duty of exercis ing, in his majesty's name, the royal authority of this kingdom.

In conveying to you the sense which his royal highness entertains of the great difficulties attending the important trust which is repos. (N 4)

ed

ed in him, his royal highness commands us to assure you, that he looks with the most perfect confidence to the wisdom and zeal of parliament, and to the attachment of a loyal and affectionate people, for the most effectual assistance and support; and his royal highness will, on his part, exert his utmost endeavours to direct the powers with which he is invested, to the advancement of the prosperity, welfare, and security of his majesty's dominions.

We are directed to inform you, that his royal highness has great satisfaction in being enabled to state, that fresh opportunities have been afforded, during the late campaign, for distinguishing the valour and skill of his majesty's forces both by sea and land.

The capture of the islands of Bourbon and of Amboyna have still further reduced the colonial dependencies of the enemy.

The attack upon the island of Sicily, which was announced to the world with a presumptuous anticipation of success, has been repulsed by the persevering exertions and valour of his majesty's land and sea forces.

The judicious arrangements adopted by the officers commanding on that station, derived material support from the zeal and ardour which were manifested during this contest by the inhabitants of Sicily, and from the co-operatien of the naval means which were directed by his Sicilian majesty to this object.

In Portugal, and at Cadiz, the defence of which constituted the principal object of his majesty's exertions in the last campaign, the designs of the enemy have been hitherto frustrated. The consummate skill, prudence, and perseve

rance of lieut.-gen, lord viscount Wellington, and the discipline and determined bravery of the officers and men under his command, have been conspicuously displayed throughout the whole of the campaign. The effect of those distinguished qualities, in inspiring confidence and energy into the troops of his majesty's allies, has been happily evinced by their general good conduct, and parti cularly by the brilliant part which they bore in the repulse of the enemy at Buzaco. And his royal highness commands us further to state, that he trusts you will enable him to continue the most effectual assistance to the brave nations of the peninsula, in the support of a contest which they manifest a determination to maintain with unabated perseverance; and his royal highness is persuaded, that you will feel, that the best interests of the British empire must be deeply affected in the issue of this contest, on which the liberties and independence of the Spanish and Por tuguese nations entirely depend.

We have it likewise in command to acquaint you, that dis cussions are now depending be tween this country and the United States of America; and that it is the earnest wish of his royal highness that he may find himself enabied to bring these discussions to an amicable termination, consistent with the honour of his majesty's crown, and the maritime rights and interests of the united kingdom.

Gentlemen of the house of com

mons,

We are directed to acquaint you, that his royal highness the prince regent has given his commands that the estimates for the expendi ture of the current year should be laid before you; and his royal highness