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LESSON CXXIII.

Extract from a Discourse in commemoration of the lives and services of John Adams and Thomas Jefferson.

The distinguished Eulogist, after describing the character of Mr. Adams's eloquence, attempts an imitation of it in the following remarkable address, which he supposes the immortal patriot to have made when the Declaration of Independence was under consideration in the Continental Congress.

1. Sink or swim, live or die, survive or perish, I give my hand and my heart to this vote. It is true indeed, that in the beginning, we aimed not at independence. But there is a divinity which shapes our ends. The injustice of England has driven us to arms; and blinded to her own interests for our good, she has obstinately persisted, till independence is now within our grasp. We have but to reach forth to it, and it is ours.

2. Why then should we defer the declaration? Is any man so weak as now to hope for a reconciliation with England, which shall leave either safety to the country and its liberties, or safety to his own life, and his own honour? Are not you, Sir, who sit in that chair, is not he, our venerable colleague, near you, are you not both already the proscribed and predestined objects of punishment and vengeance?

3. Cut off from all hope of royal clemency, what are you, what can you be, while the power of England remains, but outlaws? If we postpone independence, do we mean to carry on or to give up the war? Do we mean to submit to the measures of parliament, Boston port-bill, and all? Bo we mean to submit and consent that we ourselves shall be ground to powder, and our country and its rights trodden down in the dust?

4. I know we do not mean to submit. We never shall submit. Do we intend to violate that most solemn obligation ever entered into by men, that plighting, before God, of our sacred honour to Washington, when pushing him forth to incur the dangers of war, as well as the politicl hazards of the times, we promised to adhere to him, in every extremity, with our fortunes and our lives? I know there is not a man here, who would not rather see a general

conflagration sweep over the land, or an earthquake sink it, than one jot or tittle of that plighted faith fall to the ground.

5. For myself, having, twelve months ago, in this place, moved you, that George Washington be appointed commander of the forces, raised or to be raised, for the defence of American liberty, may my right hand forget her cunning, and my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth, if I hesitate or waver, in the support I give him.

6. The war, then, must go on. We must fight it through. And if the war must go on, why put off longer the Declaration of Independence? That measure will strengthen us. It will give us character abroad. The nations will ther treat with us, which they never can do while we acknowledge ourselves subjects, in arms against our sovereign.—Nay, I maintain that England herself, will sooner treat for peace with us on the footing of independence, than consent, by repealing her acts, to acknowledge that her whole conduct towards us has been a course of injustice and oppression.

7. Her pride will be less wounded, by submitting to that course of things which now predestinates our independence, than by yielding the points in controversy to her rebellious subjects. The former she would regard as the result of for tune; the latter she would feel as her own deep disgrace. Why then, why then, Sir, do we not, as soon as possible, change this from a civil to a national war? And since we must fight it through, why not put ourselves in a state to enjoy all the benefits of victory, if we gain the victory?

8. If we fail it can be no worse for us. But we shall not fail. The cause will raise up armies; the cause will create navies. The people, the people, if we are true to them, will carry us, and will carry themselves, gloriously through this struggle. I care not how fickle other people have been found. I know the people of these colonies, and I know that resistance to British aggression is deep and settled in their hearts and cannot be eradicated. Every colony, indeed, has expressed its willingness to follow if we but take. the lead.

9. Sir, the declaration will inspire the people with increased courage. Instead of a long and bloody war for restoration of privileges, for redress of grievances, for chartered immunities, held under a British king, set before them the glorious object of entire independence, and it will breathe into them anew the breath of life. Read this decla

ration at the head of the army; every sword will be drawn from its scabbard, and the solemn vow uttered, to maintain it or to perish on the bed of honour.

10. Publish it from the pulpit; religion will approve it, and the love of religious liberty will cling round it, resolv-. ed to stand with it or fall with it. Send it to the public halls; proclaim it there; let them hear it, who heard the first roar of the enemy's cannon; let them see it, who saw their brothers and their sons fall on the field of Bunkerhill, and in the streets of Lexington and Concord, and the very walls will cry out in its support.

11 Sir, I know the uncertainty of human affairs, but I see, I see clearly, through this day's business. You and I indeed may rue it. We may not live to the time, when this declaration shall be made good. We may die; die, colonists; die, slaves; die, it may be, ignominiously and on the scaffold. Be it so. Be it so. If it be the pleasure of Heaven that my country require the poor offering of my life, the victim shall be ready at the appointed hour of sacrifice, come when that hour may. But while I do live, let me have a country, or at least the hope of a country, and that a free country.

12. But, whatever may be our fate, be assured, be assured, that this declaration will stand. It may cost treasure, and it may cost blood; but it will stand, and it will richly compensate for both. Through the thick gloom of the present, I see the brightness of the future, as the sun in heaven. We shall make this a glorious, an immortal day. When we are in our graves, our children will honour it. They will celebrate it, with thanksgiving, with festivity, with bonfires and illuminations. On its annual return they will shed tears, copious, gushing tears, not of subjection and slavery, not of agony and distress, but of exultation, of gratitude and of joy.

13. Sir, before God, I believe the hour is come. My judgment approves this measure, and my whole heart is in it.

All that I have, and all that I am, and all that I hope, in this life, I am now ready here to stake upon it; and I leave off as I began, that live or die, survive or perish, I am for the declaration. It is my living sentiment, and by the blessing of God, it shall be my dying sentiment; independence now; and INDEPENDENCE FOR EVER! D. WEBSTER.

LESSON CXXIV.

From the same.

THOMAS JEFFERSON.

1. Mr. Jefferson's discharge of his diplomatic duties was marked by great ability, diligence, and patriotism; and while he resided at Paris, in one of the most interesting periods, his character for intelligence, his love of knowledge, and of the society of learned men, distinguished him in the highest circles of the French capital. No court in Europe had, at that time, in Paris a representative commanding or enjoying higher regard for political knowledge or for general attainment, than the minister of this then infant republic.

2. Placed at the head of the Department of State, he manifested conspicuous ability. His correspondence with the ministers of other powers residing here, and his instructions to our own diplomatic agents abroad, are among our ablest State Papers. A thorough knowledge of the laws and usages of nations, perfect acquaintance with the immediate subject before him, great felicity, and still greater facility, in writing, show themselves in whatever effort his official station called on him to make.

3. On the retirement of General Washington from the Presidency, and the election of Mr. Adams to that office, he was chosen Vice President. In 1801 he was elected President; and re-elected in 1805 by a vote approaching towards unanimity.

4. There remained to Mr. Jefferson yet one other work of patriotism and beneficence, the establishing of a university in his native state. To this object he devoted years of incessant and anxious attention, and by the co-operation of other able and zealous friends, he lived to see it accomplished. May all success attend it.

5. From the time of his final retirement from public life, Mr. Jefferson lived as became a wise man. Surrounded by affectionate friends, his ardour in the pursuit of knowledge undiminished, with uncommon health and unbroken spirits, he was able to enjoy largely the rational pleasures of life, and to partake in that public prosperity which he had so much contributed to produce.

6. His kindness and hospitality, the charm of his con

versation, the ease of his manners, the extent of his acquirements, and especially the full store of revolutionary incidents, which he possessed, and which he knew how and when to dispense, rendered his abode in a high degree attractive to his admiring countrymen, while his high public and scientific character drew towards him every intelligent and educated traveller from abroad.

7. Thus useful and thus respected passed the old age of Thomas Jefferson. But time was on its ever-ceaseless wing, and was now bringing the last hour of this illustrious man. He saw its approach with undisturbed serenity. He counted the moments as they passed, and beheld that his last sands were falling.

8. That day, too, was at hand, which he had helped to make immortal. One wish, one hope-if it were not presumptuous-beat in his fainting breast. Could it be somight it please God-he would desire, once more to see the sun once more to look abroad on the scene around him, on the great day of liberty. Heaven in its mercy fulfilled that prayer. He saw that sun-he enjoyed its sacred light-he thanked God for this mercy, and bowed his aged head to the grave.

9. Both Mr. Adams and Mr. Jefferson had the pleasure of knowing that the respect, which they so largely received, was not paid to their official stations. They were not men made great by office; but great men on whom the country, for its own benefit, had conferred office.

10. There was that in them, which office did not give; and which the relinquishment of office did not, nor could not, take away. In their retirement, in the midst of their fellow citizens, themselves private citizens, they enjoyed as high regard and esteem, as when filling the most importånt places of public trust. D. WEBSTER.

LESSON CXXV.

The Social Duties: Benevolence, Justice, Charity, Religion.

1. When thou considerest thy wants, when thou beholdest thy imperfections, acknowledge His goodness, O son of humanity! who honoured thee with reason, endowed thee with speech, and placed thee in society to receive and confer reciprocal helps and mutual obligations.

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