other anxiety about his health than that he may improve it to the best advantage.

A remarkable case has recently occurred under the notice of the Reporter, which strikingly exemplifies the connection and affinity which may exist between what are called bilious affections, and those which more peculiarly belong to the nervous system. The patient referred to, had, in consequence of a severe domestic deprivation, been led into ba bits of insidious solace, which, for upwards of two years, seemed to act only upon the liver, producing, at nearly regular intervals of ten days, vomiting of bile, which was occasionally attended by a species of diarrhea, that assimilated the disorder to the character of cholera. For the considerable period above-mentioned, his only complaint was what, in popular and fashionable language, is de Hominated "The Bile." After the lapse, however, of nearly two years and a half from the cominencement of his career in vinous indulgence, he was surprised, without any precautionary or prefatory ntimation, by a seizure which paralysed one-half of his body, dividing it longitudinally into two equal sections, the one dead to all the purposes of sensation or voluntary motion, the other retaining all the functions and privileges of vitality, although in some measure, of course, clogged and impeded by the impotent and deceased half to which it was united. It is now more than three years since he has remained in this melancholy state; at least, during that time, he has experienced no important or permanent melioration, or any evident tendency towards the recovery of his corporeal powers. His mind also seems to have shared in the paralysis. This is more particularly evident in the

lapses of his recollection. His memory has been maimed by the same blow which disabled one side of his body. His remembrance of things does not ap pear to be much impaired, but it is surprisingly so with regard to the denominations of persons or of places. Whilst with unaffected cordiality he is shaking hands with an intimate friend, he often has forgotten his name. Upon enquiry it appeared that the pernicious habits of the unfortunate patient were still persisted in, which sufficiently accounted for the unbroken protraction of his disorder. In this case nothing can be more evident, than that the bilious, in the first instance, and the nervous complaint, which succeeded, both originated from one source; which may give a hint to those who are much troubled with the bile, especially when it has been occasioned by the same means as in the instance just stated, that they may be at no great distance, unless they seasonably reform their diet, from a paralytic seizure. Paralytic seizures, there can be little doubt, are more common now than they were formerly; probably owing to a more luxurious and effeminate mode of living having been in modern times more generally adopted. The circumstances and symptoms which often, for a long time before the actual attack of palsy, precede and threaten its approach, are surprisingly similar to those which were detailed in the Report of the last month, as the avant couriers of an epileptic paroxysm. Happy are they who in either case have discernment to decipher, and resolution practically to apply, the characters of menace, before it be too late to avert the evil which they forebode!

J. REID.

Grenville-street, Brunswick-square, February 22, 1811.

SPAIN.

HE following manifesto of the Cortes and Extraordinary

Spanish nation, explains the present views, policy, and feelings, of that people.

SPANIARDS! If the Cortes Extraordinary, assembled by your free and deliberate choice, and which has been installed solemnly in the royal isle of Leon, has not before, this day regularly addressed you, it was MONTHLY MAG. No. 210.

from the conviction it felt that its character and object should manifest themselves to you by its provident, just, and necessary, decrees and declarations, rather than by studied professions and declarations. To act, and not to profess, was its sacred duty, applying itself with undivided heart and hand to the regeneration and well-being of the state. The Congress declaring and acknowledging the sovereignty of the nation, solemnly swearing in the name of all the people to

preserve

preserve the same for Ferdinand VII. king of Spain and the Indies. Sanctioning the constitutional division of three estates, abolishing arbitrary and unjust rules; re-establishing the freedom of thought in its original purity; restoring to the citizen one of the most sacred rights of political libertythat of a free press; forming a new government on a compact and vigorous system; and endeavouring to strengthen the edifice of the state by constitutional laws, which they are engaged in framing. In these urgent and laudable occupations the Cortes were diligently engaged, when a novel and most extraordinary rumour, vague and hardly credited in its commencement, but soon, perhaps, through the machinations of the common enemy, obtaining extensive credit, resounded in all parts of Spain, as well as in many other quarters, and imperiously called for the most serious attention on the part of the national Congress.

Pe aware, O Spaniards! that the tyrant of Europe, panting to subjugate us, now adus treachery and artifice to the unheard-of vioJence by which he has goaded you into this defensive war; and, considering the ardent force of your love and loyalty for your adored sovereign, he endeavours to contravene these sentiments, by insidiously pretending to make restitution to the outraged Spaniards, and to compassionate the state to which he has now reduced them. But think not, Spaniards! that tyrants ever are beneficent without some Insidious motive. Ferdinand may be sent to Spain, but he will be surrounded by armed Frenchmen, and by Spaniards who suffer themselves to be seduced by the artifices, or intimidated by the menace, of Bonaparte. He would come as one of the family of this monster, either by means of an union with a foreign princess, or as an adopted son of Napoleon; he would come to administer to the will of this execrable protector, by endeavouring to obtain a peace of his dictation, or, in other words, to effectuate the ruin and subjugation of the Peninsula. Such is the substance of these rumours; considerations in which are at once compromised the honour and decorum of your king-the independence and sovereignty of the nation and the dignity and salvation of the monarchy. The extravagant request of adoption, which is already said to have been made in the name of Ferdinand, and which is inserted in those public papers in the pay of Bonaparte, leaves no room to doubt of the design of the usurper to degrade and vility their lawful sovereign in the eyes of Spaniards, for the purpose of forwarding his iniquitous designs. Thus you see the moment is arrived, perhaps is not far distant, when the nation may be placed in a situation as perilous and complicated, as that which gave birth to its heroic insurrection, and in which it would have to display a similar grandeur and nobleness of character.

The Cortes, in considering this most important subject, are fully aware of the grand character of the people whom they repre sent, of the worthy and noble example which they hold forth to the rest of Europe, and of the splendid hopes opposed to the gloomy horrors which are involved in this terrible contest. They feel that Spaniards must be aware that the war into which the outrageous tyranny of the Gailic despot has goaded them, must be carried on without compromise or relation, and with accelerated force. What can be the object of such a species of conciliation? It will not, Spamares, be for that of your happiness and repose, or to make reparation for the various insults and accumulated injuries inflicted upon you! No, the souls of tyrants are never actuated by the impulse of virtue. Napoleon is instinctively malignant. This has been terribly exemplified with respect to us already. He again seeks to enslave us, to reader us the unhappy influence of his insatiable ambition. Your admirable patriotism, courage, and constancy, have hitherto discon certed his iniquitous projects. Spain has successfully resisted him, to whose triumphal car all the kings of Europe succumb. The subtle tyrant has self-consulted a project for subjugating Spain; he feels the ruling virtue of genuine Spaniards is that of loyalty to their sovereigs. He beholds the unprac tised Ferdinand in his power; he conceives the expedient of sending him to Spain in the insidious character of an adopted son; but in effect as a degraded instrument. knows his influence, and hopes to bring about a tranquil submission by his means. lie sees that America already acknowledges his sway; but should this illustrious and devoted missionary be unsuccess.ul, he sees at least that the Spaniards will be divided, and the seets sown of dissension and distrust, and thinks that the wavering and unprincipled mong us will excuse their desertion, under the pretext of adhering to the fortunes of Ferdinand.

He

but, Spaniards, all these insidious machinations will vanish like the mists before the sun of your rectitude and true interests. Let us continue loyal to Ferdinand. What nation has ever given such proofs of loyalty to its sovereign? (Hele a variety of signal instances are cited.) But, suppose Bonaparte should prevail on the captive prince to enter Spain; will he be the same, the adored monarch of our choice? No; Ferdinand Napoleon, can never be Ferdinand de Bourbon. No; he would be the servile instrument of the Co.sican Attila, encircled by atrocious Gauls, and degraded Spaniards, instead of free and generous subjects. His identity would no longer exist. You would never becon e the deceived victims of such an illusion, and the crown which the tyrant would apparently restore, would form a new emblem of mockery and insult.

Political

Political independences and social felicity were our objects when, at Aranjuez, we tried to seat on the Spanish throne, a prince, isolized by us for his amiable and benevolent disposition. Such are still the objects of the Spanish people, for which they have already sustained a three years' sanguinary warfare, and have latterly convened the Extraordinary Cortes of the Spanish monarchy. To defend the country against its actual enemies, and to secure its future independence, is the universal wish of the people, and the sworn duty of their representatives; they wish for a monarchical constitution, but one fice and equitable, as now contemplated by those represe statives! Napoleon is deceived as to our real objects. Spaniards combat not for vain glory, or for undefined or unjust objects; our political independence, domestic tranquillity and freedom, and the integrity of our territories, are our real and only objects.

Let us announce to all Europe, that Spaniards contemplate, with astonishment and admiration, the spirited and generous exertions of our allies. Let us express our gratitude to our brethren in America, who have with such enthusiastic loyalty asserted the cause of the mother country, and present such a striking contrast to the vile assassins of the crafty tyrant. Let us evince to the world that the immense power of our common enemy will not avail against the impregnable barrier of your heroic virtue, though he should take advantage of the helpless situation of a young and unpracti sed prince, and convert him personally into the blind instrument of his atrocious projects.

The Cortes, the legitimate interpreters of your wills in this terrible crisis, swear solemnly, in your name, before the Supreme Being, in presence of all the nations of the earth, and of the august and beneficent ally in particular, not to lay down their arms, nor afford the enemy a moment of repose, nor to enter into any concert or agreement with him, until he shall have previously evacuated the territories of Spain, and those of our neighbouring and illustrious ally, Portugal! Unite with us in this solemn oath, all you respectable clergy who wish to maintain the cause of our altars and our holy religion; all you ennobled Spaniards, if you pretend, in imitation of your ancestors, to defend the throne and the country; and all you industrious and commercial citizens, and proprietors of every description, repine not at any sacrifices you may make for objects so justly dear to you: recollect and consider the barbarous and profane atrocities your relentless enemy! If any amongst you prefer wearing the mark of inglorious slavery in your unmanly foreheads, let him fly the land of heroic freedom, and on him be the indignant curses of the nation.

Given at the Royal Isle of Leon, the 9th of January, 1811.

ALONSE CANEDO, President.
JOSE MARTINEZ, Dep. Sec.
JOSE AZNAREZ, Dep. Sec.

GREAT BRITAIN.

Recapitulation of the Parliamentary Proceedings relative to the Establishment of the Regency.

Though the King's illness commenced on the 26th of October, very little was heard of it publicly in London until the 30th or $1st, the day before the meeting of Parliament. The meeting of Parliament is, perhaps, the circumstance to which the people is indebted for such early information of the state of his Majesty's health, as we may conclude, from what we have learned in the course of the discussion, that were it not for the casual omission of the sign manual to the proper instrument, we might have remained ignorant of it, until the time appointed for the regular meeting would have made the disclosure unavoidable. On the 1st of November, the Lord Chancellor informed the Ilouse of Lords of the melancholy event, and Lord Liverpool moved an adjournment for a fortnight (the shortest period within which Parliament can be assembled for the dispatch of business); he moved also, that the House should be summoned for that day, and that letters should. be sent by the Chancellor to the Members, requesting their attendance: those motions were agreed to without debate or division. A similar notification was made to the Commons by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, and similar proceedings adopted. The cause of his Majesty's illness was stated to be concern for the alarming state of his daughter the Princess Amelia's health; and very confident hopes were held out of his speedy recovery.

On the 14th, the physicians attending his Majesty were examined before the Privy Council at Buckingham-house; and the Par liament meeting the following day, pursuant to adjournment, the Chancellor, in the Lords, spoke of his Majesty's convalescence, from the favourable symptoms which his disorder began to assume: he moved an adjournment for another fortnight, and was seconded by Lord Moira. Lord Grenville complained of the conduct of ministers; they ought to have established the necessity of their meeting in the manner they did by the best evidencethe examination of the physicians by a Committee of that House. He did not desire, however, to oppose the question of adjournment. Lord Grey also spoke to the sume effect. In the Commons, the Chancellor of the Exchequer moved an adjournment for a fortnight, and spoke of the King's health almost in the same terms which had been used in the Lords: both he and Lord Elson mentioned their confidence to have arisen from the opinion of the physicians. Mr. Ponsonby and Mr. Whitbread censured the manner of proceeding of the minister, but did not oppose

the

the adjournment; but Sir Francis Burdett spoke at some length on the necessity of a permanent executive; and therefore, conceiving it to be the duty of the House to sup ply the defect without loss of time, opposed the proposed adjournment, and, supported by Sir Samuel Romilly, Mr. Elliott, and a few others, divided the House on the question. For the adjournment for a fortnight, 343Against it, 58.-Majority, 285.

When the Lords met on the 29th of November, the examination of the physicians before the Privy Council was laid before them, and an adjournment for another fortnight moved by Lord Liverpool; but this was opposed by Lord Spencer and others, who moved as an amendment, that the House should appoint a committee to examine the physicians, and to report accordingly; and, upon that amendment, the House, after a pretty long debate, divided, when there appeared for the adjournment, 88-For the amendment, 56.-Majority, 32. In the Commons, the motion for adjournment, moved by the Chancellor of the Exchequer, was op. posed by Mr. Ponsonby, who moved also for the appointment of a committee to examine the physicians. The House divided on the question of adjournment-For the adjourn ment, 233-Against it, 129–Majority, 104.

On the division for the committee, there was-Against it, 250—For a committee, 137. -Majority, 95.

The House of Lords and Commons met on the 13th of December, and proceeded to appoint committees to examine the physicians. In the Lords it was appointed by ballot; in the Commons, the Chancellor of the Exchequer selected a committee from the gentlemen on both sides of the House indifferently; each consisted of twenty-one members. Their lordships met on the following Monday (17th), but their committee not having finished their labour, adjourned till Wednesday, (19th). The report of the Commous' cummittee was brought up on Monday, and the Chancellor of the Exchequer moved an adjournment to the following Thursday (20th), and that the House should, on that day, resolve itself into a committee on the State of the Nation. On that day he proposed, in imitation of the mode pursued in 1788-9, by Mr. Pitt, to move three Resolutions: the fust, declarative of the present incapacity of the sovereign; the second, the competency of the two Houses to supply that incapacity; and the third, that the proper mode of doing it should be by Bill: a call of the House was ordered for that day, Mr. Ponsonby signified his intention to oppose the proceeding by Bill. At the meeting of the Lords, on Wednesday the 19th, Lord Liverpool moved to have the House called over on Thursday (27th.) Lord Spencer protested against the proceedings in 1788 being admitted as a precedent. Lord Liverpool gave notice of his intention to move for a committee to search for precedents to

ascertain how far proxies could be admitted to vote on the settlement of the royal authority.

On Thursday (20th), there was a call of the House in the Commons. The Chancellor of the Exchequer moved his three resolutions: the first passed unanimously; the second, with the negative of Sir Francis Burlett; to the third, Mr. Ponsonby moved an amendment, that an Address should be presented to the Prince of Wales, praying him to take upon himself the office of Regent. On this the House divided-Against the amendment, 269-For the amendment, 157.-Majority for ministers, 112

In the Lords, on this day (20th), the Report was read short, and a debate took place on the mode of proceeding, but without a division.

The Commons met on the following day; and their Report on the State of the Nation being brought up, Lord William Russell moved the previous question on the second resolution, and divided the House upon it. For the resolution, 98-Against it, 15.---Majority, 83. The third resolution was also carried, and the House adjourned.

On Thursday (27th) the Lords proceeded in a manner similar to the Commons. The resolutions were carried by a majority of 26, 100 voting for ministers, and 74 against them. Amendments were moved to the second resolution, but the division was confined to the third. The Report was ordered to be brought up next day, and a conference with the Commons, after which the House adjourned. On Monday (31st), on the motion of Lord Liverpool, eight Lords were nomi. nated to hold a conference with the Commons; the conference took place immediately alter, and the House, after receiving the re port, adjourned.

In the Commons, Mr. Spencer Stanhope reported from the committee the assent of the Lords to their resolutions; after which, the House resolving itself into a committee on the State of the Nation, the report of the former committee was referred to this committee by the Chancellor of the Exchequer. He, after a long speech, moved five distinct propositions as the basis of a bill for regulating the office of Regent: the first, appointing the Prince Regent subject to certain re strictions and limitations; the second, restraining him from conferring the honours of the peerage for a certain time; the third, from granting places and pensions; the fourth regulated the king's private property i and the fifth respected the management of the household, which was to be vested in the queen. An amendment to the first reso lution was moved by Mr. Lambe, the pur port of which was to confer the whole power of the crown on the Regent without any re strictions, which, on a division, was negatived by a majority of 24; 224 voting against 200 for it. The House divided also on the second

and

and third resolutions, on each of which ministers had a majority of 16. The resolu tion respecting his Majesty's private property passed without a division, and that concern. ing the household was not debated that night.

Tuesday, January 1st, the fifth resolation was proposed to the House. An amendment proposed by Earl Gower, was, after a long debate, carried by a majority of 13; 226 voting for the amendment, 213 against it. The amendment was, that, for a time to be limited, her Majesty shall retain such portion of the household as may be deemed necessary for the support of his Majesty's royal dignity.

The Lords met on Wednesday the 24, and adjourned till next day, their being no communication from the Commons. The opposition members renewed their attack on the first resolution, and an amendment, moved by Lord Porchester, gave rise to a very long debate. After the gallery was cleared, Mr. Perceval moved an amendment, the purport of which was, to get rid of the amendment to the fifth resolution, which had been carried against him; but in this he failed, as on a division his amendment was rejected by a majority of three. This gave rise to a muistake in all the morning papers; next day it was reported that the division took place on Lord Porchester's amendment.

On the next day, Thursday, January 3, the Lords met, and appointed a committee to confer with the Commons, and adjourned after the committee had reported. Lord Liverpool moved, that the resolutions received from the Commons should be presented to their Lordships' House sitting in committee, Thursday, the following day; he also gave notice of a motion respecting proxies and presents.

The Commons, reported from the com. mittee, that they had presented their resoJutions in conference, and they had signified that they would return an answer by messengers of their own.

On Friday the 4th, an amendment was moved in the Lords by the Marquis of Lansdowne, the purport of which was to remove the restrictions, which was carried by a ma jority of 3-Contents, 105-Non-contents, 102.

A division also took place on the second resolution for restricting the creation of peers. For the amendment, 106-Against it, 100.Majority, 6.

The next division was on Lord Liverpool's amendment to the fifth resolution. For the resolution, 110-For the amendment, 97.Majority against ministers, 13.

The other resolutions were passed without a division. On bringing up the Report, the amendments on the first and second resolutions appearing to contradict each ather, the first resolution was restored to its original state by the consent of the Lords on both sides. The other resolutions were passed without a division.

After the three first divisions strangers were not admitted, but a long discussion having ensued, the House again divided on the question that the committee should adjourn any time during pleasure-Contents, 102-Non-contents, 99.-Majority, 3. That proxies should be admitted-Contents, 99Non-contents, 102.-Majority, S. The Re port was then received, and the House ad journed at five in the morning.

On Monday the 7th, a resolution of the Commons, authorizing the Treasury to advance money for the public service without the usual warrant (the King's sign manual) was confirmed by the concurrence of the Lords. The Commons having adopted the amendment of the Lords on the second resolution, namely, that of prohibiting the creation of peers for a limited time by the Regent, the Chancellor of the Exchequer then moved, that deputations from their house should be appointed to wait on the Prince and Queen with the resolutions, praying the former to accept the Regency on the conditions contained in the resolu lutions, and the latter the care of the King's person. These resolutions were sent up to the Lords, and received their sanction on the 10th. The Lords appointed certain M-mbers of their House to join the deputations from the Commons, and, on Friday the 11th, the answers of the Prince and Queen, accept. ing their respective charges on the proposed conditions, were reported to both Houses, and on that day a resolution to affix the great seal to a commission for the opening of Parliament passed the Lords, after a debate and a division, in which there appeared for the Resolution-Contents, 53-Non-contents, 33. -Majority, 20

This resolution, on the following Monday, was sanctioned by a vote of the Commons, and next day (15th,) Parliament was opened by a commission drawn up in the usual form, and running in the King's name, and differing in no respect from former precedents, save that, at the end, it was expressed to be done by, and with the consent of, the Lords and Commons.

On the same day, the Chancellor of the Exchequer moved for leave to bring in the Regency Bill, which being granted, it was fortuwith presented, read a first time, and ordered for a second reading the next day. On Thursday, the 17th, the Bill was committed, and its clauses on that and the fol. lowing day received ample discussion. Several amendments were proposed, but rejected. On Thursday, Mr. Ponsonby moved an amendment to the clause of the Bill, which extends the duration of the restrictions to the 1st of February, 1812, confining it to the 1st of August; this was negatived on a division-For the original clause, 134-For Mr. Ponsonby's amendment, 160.-Majority, 24.

Alle same gentleman moved an amend

Dent