would have violated every principle of his life, had he refused to bring the penalty of the law upon his friend. It was a far more justifiable act than the desertion of Strafford by Charles the First; for Strafford had committed no treason against his King, had threatened no disturbance of the public tranquillity. Cobham certainly committed political treason. He sought to rouse the people against the crown. He set at defiance the regal authority-nay, rather, the authority of law. Henry could expect no submission to law, while so restless, so able, so popular a leader as Lord Cobham lived. It was clearly, with the King, a matter of conscience-of stern and uncompromising duty. He had to exercise all his self-control to resist those appeals of his heart which would persuade him to screen his friend. But he had a higher duty than friendship. It was for him to maintain the order, and security, and dignity of the realm. He thought it was also for him to maintain the dominion of the Church, and thought so with all the sincerity of his nature. Therefore, while we view with pain the sacrifice of so fearless and ardent a champion of religious reformation, while we regret that his power might not have been used to more purpose, we must eschew sentiment in the clear light of reason, and acquit Henry, educated as he was, sincere as he was, merciful as he was, living in the age he did, and tried as he was to the very depths of his soul, of that barbarous perfidy and cruelty of which he has been charged.

The two first years of Henry's reign were devoted to reconciling the Commons with the Church, and to the suppression of Lollardism. There is evidence that Henry was not only the defender of Catholicism, but what will seem more estimable, that he was a reformer

in the Church. As far as the doctrines of the Establishment were concerned, he was clear. He did not for an instant doubt the sacred authority of the Pope, the powers of the priesthood, the truth of those dogmas which from time to time had laid a stone to the Romish structure. He would on no account strike any vital part. But his eyes were opened to the abuses and corruptions which had crept into the ecclesiastical system in England. His attention was called to them not only by the Commons, who appear to have been eager in their impatience of the prelates, but also by wise prelates themselves, who foresaw the tendency when once the Church had received the poison of worldly avarice or licentiousness. Henry boldly set about reforming the arrogance and evils of the priesthood. He protected the lower classes from those many petty oppressions which priests had long been accustomed to exercise. He confined as far as possible the power of prelates in secular matters, and their exclusiveness in the possession of property. He caused acts to be passed prohibiting aliens from occupying benefices or livings in England. He became somewhat jealous of the Pope's political, as well as religious influence; and without absolutely breaking with him, sought by every moderate means to curb his too great control over English politics.

In a former chapter we have related how the Church of Rome was divided by a great schism, which separated it into two nearly equal factions. A French Pope had been elected in opposition to an Italian Pope, and the Catholic nations had joined the party of the one or the other as the interest and prejudice of each dictated. We have seen that the French Pope, Clement, was finally deposed by his own King, and

that Urban, his rival, was apparently established on the sacred throne.

The tranquillity of the Church was, however, only apparent. The death of Urban was the signal for a revival of the schism in more serious proportions than ever. The partisans of both the late Popes were exasperated, obstinate, and determined to rule the Church. The Italian party had elected one after the other, as the successors of Urban, Boniface IX., Innocent VII., and Gregory XII.; while the French party had chosen Peter de Luna, an Arragonese, as their claimant for the tiara, with the pontifical title of Benedict XIII. The schism continued under these conflicting Popes for many years. The Church was torn with dissension; corruptions crept in amid the confusion; the warfare between the factions far exceeded that between orthodoxy and heresy; the Catholic potentates tried again and again to mend the rent; and finally, the evil became so enormous, that both sides began to desire, if not a final adjustment, at least a cessation of hostilities. It was at last agreed among the sovereigns, that both the claimants to the tiara should be constrained to resign, and that a new pontiff, capable of uniting the allegiance of both factions, should be chosen by the Council of Cardinals. The French Church was the first to move. They refused to continue to Benedict, the successor of their own Clement, their allegiance. The English prelates, less prompt, made no further progress than to ask the King to withhold from Gregory, whose authority they had acknowledged, the stipend which the Pope was accustomed to receive from the kingdom. These movements were followed up by a long consultation among the cardinals of the rival parties. A council was sum

moned at Pisa, and it is probable that the programme was filled up before their Eminences met. But little discussion took place. Benedict and Gregory were deposed by the same act. A Greek prelate was elected Pope, with the title of Alexander V. The Council, thinking they had thus restored the Church to unity, then rose. But the two Popes who had been so unceremoniously disposed of, finding many discontented persons among their partisans, rebelled against the decision of the Pisan Council, and both announced that they did not recognize the authority of that body to depose them. Thus far from a united Church, this sage Council had made three Popes, instead of one. Of course, Alexander was not so modest as to withdraw, but clung tenaciously to his new-gotten dignity to the day of his death. When that event occurred, a successor was elected by his party, who was styled John XXIII. The Emperor Sigismund, of Germany, one of the ablest and most active potentates of that day, was very desirous to heal the schism. After much effort, he prevailed on John to call a council to consider the state of the Church. The result of this was the ever memorable Council of Constance. This was toward the latter part of the year 1414. Henry of England regarded most favorably the action of the Emperor in seeking to restore harmony, and thus power to the hierarchy. He entered cordially into the plan, and resolved that England should be fully represented at the Council. He appointed Robert Hallam, Bishop of Salisbury, the Bishops of Bath and Worcester, the Earl of Warwick, the Abbots of Westminster and Worcester, to attend the Council, and to use the influence of England both to heal the schism and to reform the crying abuses which otherwise

choked the good influence of the Church. Soon after, others were sent, in whose train followed a multitude of nobles and gentlemen, with retinues, showing the importance in which the assembly was regarded. When the Council had convened, the representatives of Henry and of the Emperor worked in unison for the ends which both the sovereigns so ardently desired. Hallam was especially active, and did not permit a day to pass without inveighing against the confusion, the corruption, and the inherent weakness which prevailed in the Church. He used the most convincing argu ments in favor of reform, and was not deterred by the impatience of the Cardinals, who were anxious to postpone every thing to the election of a Pontiff. Gregory, the Italian Pope, resigned soon after the Council met. John and Benedict, on the contrary, obstinately retained the sacred title, and refused to submit to the dictation of the sovereigns and prelates. They were, accordingly, peremptorily deposed from the office of pontiff. Events of the greatest moment now intervened, to withdraw the attention of Europe from the Council, and to give a new direction to the destinies of the principal powers of Christendom.