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for diseases," &c. (Karsten, p. 142, v. 392, &c.; compare the accounts of the ostentation and haugh tiness of Empedocles, p. 29, &c.) In like manner he promises remedies against the power of evil and of old age; he pretends to teach men how to break the vehemence of the unwearied winds, and how to call them forth again; how to obtain from dark rainy clouds useful drought, and tree-feeding rivers from the drought of summer (ibid. v. 425, &c.),— promises and pretensions, perhaps, expressive of his confidence in the infant science, which had only commenced its development, rather than in his own personal capability. With equal pride he celebrates the wisdom of the man-the ancient historians themselves did not know whether he meant Pythagoras or Parmenides—who, possessed of the richest mental and intellectual treasures, easily perceived everything in all nature, whenever with the full energy of his mind he attempted to do so. (Ibid. v. 440, &c.) The time was one of a varied and lively mental movement, and Empedocles was acquainted or connected by friendship with the physicians Acron and Pausanias (Diog. Laërt. viii. 60, 61, 65, 69; Plut. de Is. et Os. p. 383; Plin. H. N. xxix. 3; Suid. s. v.: comp. Fragm. v. 54, 433, &c.), with Pythagoreans, and it is said with Parmenides and Anaxagoras also (Diog. Laërt. viii. 55, 56, &c.; comp. Karsten, p. 47, &c.); and persons being carried away by that movement, believed themselves to be the nearer the goal the less clearly they perceived the way that led to it, and they regarded a perfect power over nature as the necessary consequence of a perfect knowledge of it.

games. (Pind. Ol. ii. 48, iii. 38, Pyth. vi. 5, with ] the Scholiast, and Böckh's Explicat. ad Pind. pp. 114, &c., 119, 122, 127, 135; Müller, Orchom. p. 332, 2nd edit.) [L. S.] EMPANDA, or PANDA, was, according to Festus (s. v. Empanda), a dea paganorum. Varro (ap. Non. p. 44; comp. Gell. xiii. 22; Arnob. iv. 2) connects the word with pandere, but absurdly explains it by panem dare, so that Empanda would be the goddess of bread or food. She had a sanctuary near the gate, called after her the porta Pandana, which led to the capitol. (Festus, s. v. Pandana; Varro, de Ling. Lat. v. 42.) Her temple was an asylum, which was always open, and the suppliants who came to it were supplied with food from the funds of the temple. This custom at once shews the meaning of the name Panda or Empanda: it is connected with pandere, to open; she is accordingly the goddess who is open to or admits any one who wants protection. Hartung (die Religion der Röm. ii. p. 76, &c.) thinks that Empanda and Panda are only surnames of [L. S.] EMPEDOCLES ('EμπedoкλĤs), of Acragas (Agrigentum), in Sicily, flourished about Olymp. 84, or B. C. 444. (Diog. Laërt. viii. 74; comp. 51, 52; Simon Karsten, Empedoclis Agrigent. Carmin. Reliquiae, p. 9, &c.) His youth probably fell in the time of the glorious rule of Theron, from Ol. 73 to Ol. 77; and although he was descended from an ancient and wealthy family (Diog. Laërt. viii. 51), Empedocles with enthusiasm joined the revolution-as his father, Meton, had probably done before-in which Thrasydaeus, the son and successor of Theron, was expelled, and which became the watchword for the other Greek towns to shake off the yoke of their monarchs. (Diog. Laërt. viii. 72.) His zeal in the establishment of political equality is said to have been manifested by his magnanimous support of the poor (ibid. 73), by his inexorable severity in persecuting the overbearing conduct of the aristocrats (Timaeus, ap. Diog. L. viii. 64, comp. 65, 66), and in his declining the sovereignty which was offered to him. (Aristot. ap. Diog. viii. 63; compare, however, Timaeus, ibid. 66, 76) His brilliant oratory (Satyr. ap. Diog. viii. 58; Timaeus, ibid. 67), his penetrating know-writer fond of wonderful things, represented him ledge of nature and of circumstances, and the reputation of his marvellous powers, which he had acquired by curing diseases, by his successful exertions in removing marshy districts, averting epidemics and obnoxious winds (Diog. Laërt. viii. 60, 70, 69; Plut. de Curios. Princ. p. 515, adv. Col. p. 1126; Plin. H. N. xxxvi. 27, and others), spread a lustre around his name, which induced Timaeus and other historians to mention him more frequently. Although he himself may have been innocent of the name of "averter" or "controller of storms" (kwλvoavéμas, dλežavéuas) and of a magician (yons), which were given to him (Karsten, 1. c. p. 49, &c.), still he must have attributed to himself miraculous powers, if in the beginning of his Kalapuol he said of himself-he may, however, have been speaking in the name of some assistant daemon-"An immortal god, and no longer a mortal man, I wander among you, honoured by all, adorned with priestly diadems and blooming wreaths; to whatever illustrious towns I go, am praised by men and women, and accompanied by thousands, who thirst for deliverance, some being desirous to know the future, others remedies

Timaeus and Dicaearchus had spoken of the journey of Empedocles to Peloponnesus, and of the admiration which was paid to him there (Diog. Laërt. viii. 71, 67; Athen. xiv. p. 620); others mentioned his stay at Athens, and in the newlyfounded colony of Thurii, B. c. 446 (Suid. s. v. "Aкpwv; Diog. Laërt. viii. 52); but it was only untrustworthy historians that made him travel in the east as far as the Magi. (Plin. H. N. xxx. 1, &c.; comp. Karsten, p. 39, &c.) His death is said to have been marvellous, like his life: a tradition, which is traced to Heracleides Ponticus, a

as having been removed from the earth, like a divine being; another said that he had perished in the flames of mount Aetna. (Diog. Laërt. viii. 67, 69, 70, 71; Hor. ad Pison. 464, &c.; comp. Karsten, p. 36, &c.) But it is attested by the authority of Aristotle, that he died at the age of sixty, and the statements of later writers, who extend his life further, cannot be set up against such a testimony. (Apollon. ap. Diog. Laërt. viii. 52, comp. 74, 73.) Among the disciples of Empedocles none is mentioned except Gorgias, the sophist and rhetorician, whose connexion with our philosopher seems to be alluded to even by Plato. (Diog. Laërt. viii. 58; Karsten, p.56, &c.) Among the works attributed to Empedocles, and which were all metrical compositions (see the list in Karsten, p. 62, &c.), we can form an opinion only on his Kalapuol and his didactic poem on Nature, and on the latter work only from the considerable fragments still extant. It consisted of 2000 hexameter verses, and was addressed to the abovementioned Pausanias,—its division into three books was probably made by later grammarians. (Diog. Laërt. viii. 77; Karsten, p. 70, &c.)

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Kalapuoí, a poem said to have consisted of 3000 verses, seems to have recommended particularly a ID good moral conduct as the means of averting epi๓ demics and other evils. (See the fragments in Karsten, p. 144, vers. 403, &c.; comp. Aristot. Eth. Nic. vii. 5; Eudem. vi. 3.) Empedocles was undoubtedly acquainted with the didactic poems of Xenophanes and Parmenides (Hermipp. and Theophrast. ap. Diog. Laërt. viii. 55,56)—allusions to the latter can be pointed out in the fragments, but he seems to have surpassed them in the animation and richness of his style, and in the clearness of his descriptions and diction; so that Aristotle, though, on the one hand, he acknowledged only the metre as a point of comparison between the poems of Empedocles and the epics of Homer, yet, on the other hand, had characterised Empedocles as Homeric and powerful in his diction. (Poet. 1, ap. Diog. Laërt. viii. 57.) Lucretius, the greatest of all didactic poets, speaks of him with enthusiasm, and evidently marks him as his model. (See especially Lucret. i. 727, &c.) We are indebted for the first comprehensive collection of the fragments of Empedocles, and of a careful collection of the testi- | monies of the ancients concerning his doctrines, to Fr. W. Sturz (Empedocles Agrigentinus, Lipsiae, 1805), and lately Simon Karsten has greatly distinguished himself for what he has done for the criticism and explanation of the text, as well as for the light he has thrown on separate doctrines. (Philosophorum Graecorum veterum reliquiae, vol. ii., containing Empedoclis Agrigentini Carmin. Reliquiae, Amstelodami, 1838.)

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Acquainted as Empedocles was with the theories of the Eleatics and the Pythagoreans, he did not adopt the fundamental principles either of the one or the other schools, although he agreed with the latter in his belief in the migration of souls (Fragm. ly vers. 1, &c., 380, &c., 350-53, 410, &c.; comp. Karsten, p. 509, &c.), in the attempt to reduce the relations of mixture to numbers, and in a few other points. (Karsten, p. 426, 33, 428, &c., 426; compare, however, Ed. Zeller, die Philosophie der Griech. p. 169, &c., Tübingen, 1844.) With the Eleatics he agreed in thinking that it was impossible to conceive anything arising out of nothing (Fragm. vers. 81, &c., 119, &c., 345, &c.; comp. Parmenid. Fragm., ed. Karsten, vers. 47, 50, 60, &c., 66, 68, 75), and it is not impossible that he may have borrowed from them also the distinction between knowledge obtained through the senses, and knowledge obtained through reason. (Fragm. 49, &c., 108; Parmenid. Fragm. 49, 108.) Aristotle with justice mentions him among the Ionic physiologists, and he places him in very close relation to the atomistic philosophers and to Anaxagoras. (Metaphys. i. 3, 4, 7, Phys. i. 4, de Generat. et Corr. i. 8, de Caelo, iii. 7.) All three, like the whole Ionic physiology, endeavoured to point out that which formed the basis of all changes, and to explain the latter by means of the former; but they could not, like Heracleitus, consider the coming into existence and motion as the existence of things, and rest and tranquillity as the nonexistence, because they had derived from the Eleatics the conviction that an existence could just as little pass over into a non-existence, as, vice versa, the latter into the former. In order, nevertheless, to establish the reality of changes, and Consequently the world and its phaenomena, against the deductions of the Eleatics, they were obliged

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to reduce that which appears to us as a coming into existence to a process of mixture and separation of unalterable substances; but for the same reason they were obliged to give up both, the Heracleitean supposition of one original fundamental power, and the earlier Ionic hypothesis of one original substance which produced all changes out of itself and again absorbed them. The supposition of an original plurality of unalterable elementary substances was absolutely necessary. And thus we find in the extant fragments of the didactic poem of Empedocles, the genuineness of which is attested beyond all doubt by the authority of Aristotle and other ancient writers, the most unequivocal statement, made with an evident regard to the argumentation of Parmenides, that a coming into existence from a non-existence, as well as a complete, death and annihilation, are things impossible; what. we call coming into existence and death is only mixture and separation of what was mixed, and the expressions of coming into existence and destruction or annihilation are justified only by our being obliged to submit to the usus loquendi. (Fragm. 77, &c., 345, &c.) The original and unalterable substances were termed by Empedocles the roots of things (Téσσαpa TŵV TÁVTWV píšŃμATA, Fragm. vers. 55, &c., 74, &c.); and it was he who first established the number of four elements, which were afterwards recognized for many centuries, and which before Empedocles had been pointed out one by one, partly as fundamental substances, and partly as transition stages of things coming into existence. (Aristot. Metaphys. i. 4, 7, de Generat. et Corr. ii. 1; comp. Ch. A. Brandis, Handbuch d. Gesch. der Griech. Röm. Philos. i. p. 195, &c.) The mythical names Zeus, Hera, Nestis, and Aïdoneus, alternate with the common terms of fire, air, water, and earth; and it is of little importance for the accurate understanding of his theory, whether the life-giving Hera was meant. to signify the air and Aïdoneus the earth, or Aïdoneus the air and Hera the earth, although the former is more probable than the latter. (Fragm. 55, &c., 74, &c.; comp. Brandis, l. c. p. 198.) As, however, the elementary substances were simple, eternal, and unalterable (Karsten, p. 336, &c.), and as change or alteration was merely the consequence of their mixture and separation, it was also necessary to conceive them as motionless, and consequently to suppose the existence of moving powers-the necessary condition of mixture and separation-as distinct from the substances, and equally original and eternal. But in this manner the dynamic explanations which the earlier physiologists, and especially Heracleitus, had given of nature, was changed into a mechanical one. order here again to avoid the supposition of an actual coming into existence, Empedocles assumed two opposite directions of the moving power, the attractive and repulsive, the aniting and separating, that is, love and hate (Nekos, Ampis, Kótos— diλín, Þiλórns, 'Apμovín, Σropy), as equally original and elementary (Fragm. 88, &c., 138, &c., 167, &c.; Aristot. Metaphys. i. 4; Karsten, p. 346, &c.); whereas with Heracleitus they were only different manifestations of one and the same fundamental power. But is it to be supposed that those two powers were from the beginning equally active? and is the state of mixture, e. the world and its phaenomena, an original one, or was it preceded by a state in which the pure elementary:

In

<substances and the two moving powers co-existed
in a condition of repose and inertness? Empe-
docles decided in favour of the latter supposition
(Fragm. vers. 88, &c., 59, &c.; comp. Plat. Soph.
p. 242; Aristot. de Coel. i. 10, Phys. Auscult. i. 4,
viii. 1), which agreed with ancient legends and
traditions. This he probably did especially in or- |
der to keep still more distinctly asunder existences
End things coming into existence; and he conceived
the original co-existence of the pure elementary
substances and of the two powers in the form of a
sphere (opaîpos; comp. Karsten, p. 183, &c.),
which was to indicate its perfect independence and
self-sufficiency. As, however, these elementary
substances were to exist together in their purity,
without mixture and separation, it was necessary
to suppose that the uniting power of love predomi-
nated in the sphere (Aristot. Metaphys. B. i. 4,
A 21, de Generat. et Corr. i. 1), and that the
separating power of hate was in a state of limited
-activity, or, as Empedocles expresses it, guarded
the extreme ends of the sphere. (Fragm. vers. 58,
-comp. 167, &c.) When the destructive hate rises
into activity, the bond which keeps the pure ele-
mentary substances together in the sphere is dis-
solved (vers. 66, &c.); they separate in order
partly to unite again by the power of love: and
this is the origin of our word of phaenomena. But
that the elementary substances might not be com-
pletely absorbed by this world and lose their
purity, Empedocles assumed a periodical change of
the sphere and formation of the world (Fragm. vers.
88, &c., 167, &c.); but perhaps also, like the
earlier Ionians, a perpetual continuance of pure
fundamental substances, to which the parts of the
world, which are tired of change, return and pre-
pare the formation of the sphere for the next period
of the world. (H. Ritter in Wolf's Analect. ii.
p. 445, &c., Gesch. der Philos. i. p. 555, &c.; but
comp. Zeller, l. c. p. 191, &c.) The sphere being
the embodiment of pure existence was with him
also the embodiment or representative of the deity,
either conceiving the deity as a collectivity, or
mainly as the uniting power of love. (Fragm. vers.
70; comp. Aristot. de Generat. et Corr. ii. 6, Me-
taphys. B. 4, de Anim. i. 5.) But as existence is
not to be confined to the sphere, but must rather
be at the foundation of the whole visible world, so
the deity also must be active in it. But Empedocles
was little able to determine the how of this divine
activity in its distinction from and connexion with
the activity of the moving powers: he, too, like
the Eleatics (Xenophan. Fragm. 1, 2, 3, 5, 6, ed.
Karsten), strove to purify and liberate the notion
of the deity: "not provided with limbs, He, a
holy, infinite spirit, passes through the world with
rapid thoughts," is the sublime expression of Em-
pedocles. (Fragm. vers. 359, &c., comp. 317.)
Along with this, however, he speaks of the eternal
power of Necessity as an ancient decree of the gods,
and it is not clear whether the necessary succession
of cause and effect, or an unconditional predestina-
tion, is to be understood by it; or, lastly, whether
Empedocles did not rather leave the notion of
Necessity and its relation to the deity in that
mysterious darkness in which we find it in the
works of most philosophers of antiquity.

We perceive the world of phaenomena or changes through the medium of our senses, but not so its eternal cause; and although Empedocles traced both sensuous perception and thought to one and

the same cause, his six original beings (Aristot. ue Anim. iii. 3, Metaphys. i. 57; Fragm. 321, &.. 315, &c., 313, 318, &c.), still he clearly distinguished the latter as a higher state of development from the former; he complains of the small extent of our knowledge obtainable through our body (Fragm. 32, &c.), and advises us not to trust to our eyes or ears, or any other part of our body, but to see in thought of what kind each thing is by itself (Fragm. 49, &c., comp. 108, 356, &c.) : but he attributes the thinking cognition to the deity alone. (Fragm. 32, &c., 41, &c., 354, 362, &c.) We are, however, by no means justified in supposing that Empedocles, like the Eleatics, considered that which is perceptible through the senses, i. e. the world and its phaenomena, to be a mere phantom, and the unity of the divine sphere, that is, the world of love, which is arrived at only by thought, to be the sole existence. (H. Ritter in Wolf's Analect. i. p. 423, &c., Gesch. der Philos. i. p. 541, &c.; Brandis, in the Rheinisch. Museum, iii. p. 124; comp. Zeller, l. c. p. 184, &c.)

Further investigations concerning Empedocles's derivation of the different kinds of sensuous perception, and of the mutual influence of things upon one another in general, from the coincidence of effluxes and corresponding pores, as well as the examination of the fragments of his cosmologic and physiologic doctrines, must be left to a history of Greek philosophy. [CH. A. B.]

E'MPODUS (EμTodos), an otherwise unknown writer, whose drоμvпμоveúμaтα are mentioned by Athenaeus. (ix. p. 370.) Casaubon proposed to read Пoreidóvios instead of 'Eurodos; but our ignorance about Empodus is not sufficient to justify such a conjecture. [L. S.]

EMPO'RIUS, a Latin rhetorician, author of three short tracts entitled J. De Ethopoeia ac Loco Communi Liber; 2. Demonstrativae Materiae praeceptum; 3. De Deliberativa Specie. He is believed to have flourished not earlier than the sixth century, chiefly from the circumstance that he refers in his illustrations to the regal power rather than to the imperial dignity, which he would scarcely have done had he lived before the revival of the kingly title.

Emporius was first edited by Beatus Rhenanus, along with some other authors upon rhetoric, Basil. 4to. 1521; the pieces named above will all be found in the " Antiqui Rhetores Latini" of F. Pithoeus, 4to., Paris, 1599, p. 278. [W. R.]

EMPU'SA ("Eurovσa), a monstrous spectre, which was believed to devour human beings. It could assume different forms, and was sent out by Hecate to frighten travellers. It was believed usually to appear with one leg of brass and the other of an ass. (Aristoph. Ran. 294, Eccles. 1094.) Whenever a traveller addressed the monster with insulting words, it used to flee and utter a shrill sound. (Philostr. Vit. Apoll. ii. 4.) The Lamiae and Mormolyceia, who assumed the form of handsome women for the purpose of attracting young men, and then sucked their blood like vampyrs and ate their flesh, were reckoned among the Empusae. (Philostr. Vit. Apoll. iv. 25; Suid. s. v.) [L. S.]

E'MPYLUS, a rhetorician; the companion, as we are told by Plutarch, of Brutus, to whom he dedicated a short essay, not destitute of merit, on the death of Caesar. It is not stated to what country he belonged. Empylus the Rhodian"

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is mentioned in a passage of Quintilian, where the text is very doubtful, as an orator referred to by Cicero, but no such name occurs in any extant ist work of the latter. (Plut. Brut. 2; Quintil. x. 6. me $4, and Spalding's note). [W. R.]

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E'NALUS (Evaλos). The Penthelides, the first settlers in Lesbos, had received an oracle from st Amphitrite commanding them to sacrifice a bull to Poseidon and a virgin to Amphitrite and the Nercides, as soon as they should, on their journey to Lesbos, come to the rock Mesogeion. The leaders of the colonists accordingly caused their daughters to draw lots, the result of which was, that the daughter of Smintheus or Phineus was to be sacrificed. When she was on the point of being thrown into the sea, her lover, Enalus, embraced her, and leaped with her into the deep. But both were saved by e dolphins. Once the sea all around Lesbos rose in on such high billows, that no one ventured to apitproach it; Enalus alone had the courage to do so, la and when he returned from the sea, he was folUB lowed by polypi, the greatest of which was carrying a stone, which Enalus took from it, and dediles cated in a temple. (Plut. Sept. Sapient. Conviv. p. per 163, c, de Sollert. animal. p. 984. d.) [L. S.]

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mation of the present text of the Basilice, appears from his being several times named in the text itself, as in iii. p. 258, where he cites Theophilus; ii. p. 560, where he cites the Code of Justinian; i. 99, where he cites the Novells of Justinian. According to the Scholium on the Basilica (ii. p. 548, ed. Heimbach), he seems to have written notes upon the Digest. That he was alive after the death of Justinian appears from Basil. iii. p. 230 (ed. Heimbach), where he cites a Novell of Justin. On the other hand, Assemanni thinks that he wrote after the composition of the Basilica, which, in the Scholium, Basil. i. p. 262, he appeare to cite; but it is very likely that here, as in many other places, that which was originally a citation from the Digest has been subsequently changed for convenience into a reference to the Basilica. In Basil. iii. p. 440, he cites Gregorius Doxapater, whom Pohl (followed by Zachariae), on the sup posed authority of Montfaucon, places in the first half of the 12th century; but we have shewn [DOXAPATER] that there is no ground for identifying Gregorius Doxapater with the Doxapater mentioned by Montfaucon.

An eminent jurist of the time of Justinian is frequently cited in the Basilica, and in the Scholia on that work by the appellation of the Anonymous. This writer composed an Index or abridgment of the Novells of Justinian, and was the author of Paratitla (a comparison of parallel passages) in the Digest. To this work the treatise on apparently discordant passages would form a natural sequel; and Mortreuil (Histoire du Droit Byzantin, i. p. 296) makes it probable that Enantiophanes and the Anonymous were the same persons; for in Basil. vi. p. 251 Schol., a passage is ascribed to Euantiophanes, which, in Basil. vi. p. 260, Schol., attributed to the Anonymous.

Biener (Geschichte der Novellen Justinians, p. 56) threw out the conjecture, that the Anonymous was no other than Julianus, the author of the Latin Epitome of the Novells; and Zachariae (Anecdota. p. 204-7) attempts to establish this conjecture. Mortreuil seems disposed to identify the three.

In order to facilitate investigation, we subjoin a list (formed from Reiz and Fabricius) of passages in the Basilica where the name of Enantiophanes

occurs.

ENANTIO'PHANES. Cujacius, in his Preface to the 60th book of the Basilica, prefixed to th the 7th volume of Fabrot's edition of that work, supposes Enantiophanes to be the assumed name of a Graeco-Roman jurist, who wrote Teрl évavтiopavov, or concerning the explanation of apparent w legal inconsistencies; and Suarez (Notit. Basil. by $35) says that Photius, in his Nomocanon, mento tions having written such a work. Fabricius, in a Our note upon the work of Suarez (which is inserted if in the Bibliotheca Graeca), states that Balsamo, in his Preface to the Nomocanon of Photius, refers to of Enantiophanes. Assemanni, however, shews (Bibl.is Jur. Orient. ii. 18, p. 389) that there is no reason e for attributing a work Tepl évavτioḍav@v to Phoed tius, that there is no passage in his Nomocanon en relating to such a work, and that the sentence in which Balsamo is supposed by Fabricius to refer to Enantiophanes has no such meaning. The το Εναντιοφανῶν βιβλίον is cited in Basil. v. p. 726. Enantiophanes (Basil. vi. p. 250) cites his own book de Legatis et Mortis Causa Donationibus, and the Пapaуpan, or annotation, of Enantiophanes is il cited in Basil. vii. p. 496. The period when the jund rist lived who bears this name, has been a subject of much dispute. Reiz (ad Theophilum, pp. 1234, 1236) thinks that Enantiophanes wrote before the ecomposition of the Basilica, and marks his name with an asterisk as an ascertained contemporary of Justinian. In Basil. iii. p. 318 Enantiophanes calls Stephanus his master; but this is by no means conclusive. Assemanni, misled by Papadopoli, thinks that the Stephanus here meant lived under Alexius Comnenus, and was not the Stephanus who was one of the compilers of Justinian's ) Digest. The contemporary of Justinian, however, was undoubtedly the person intended; but Stephanus was one of those early Graeco-Roman jurists who, like Domninus, Patricius, and Cyrillus, are thought by Zachariae (Anecdota, p. viii.) to have been called by subsequent jurists masters or teachers in a general sense. (Compare Basil. 11. tit. i. s. 67, sch. ed. Heimbach, i. p. 646.) Zachariae places Enantiophanes among the jurists who lived before e the time of Basileius Macedo. (Hist. Jur. Gr. Rom. . Delius, § 20. 1, 2.) That he lived before the for

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Basil. i. pp. 70, 99, 100, 109, 260, 408, 262, 265, 266, ii. pp. 540, 560, 609, 610, 628, iii. pp. 43, 170, 258, 318, 393, 394, 412, v. p. 726, vi. 250, 251, 260, vii. 496, 499, 565, 640, 641. (Heimbach, de Basil Orig. pp. 76-79.) [J. T. G.]

ENARE PHORUS ('Evapnpopos), a son of Hippocoön, was a most passionate suitor of Helen, when she was yet quite young. Tyndareus, therefore, entrusted the maiden to the care of Theseus. (Apollod. iii. 10. § 5; Plut. Thes. 31.) Enarephorus had a heroum at Sparta. (Paus. iii. 15. § 2.) [L. S.]

ENA'RETE. [AEOLUS, No. 1.] ENCE'LADUS ('Еyкéλados), a son of Tartarus and Ge, and one of the hundred-armed giants who made war upon the gods. (Hygin. Fab. Praef. p. 1; Virg. Aen. iv. 179; Ov. Ep. ex Pont. ii. 2. 12, Amor. iii. 12. 27.) He was killed, according to some, by Zeus, by a flash of lightning, and buried under mount Aetna (Virg. Aen. iii. 578); and, according to others, he was killed by the chariot of Athena (Paus. viii. 47. § 1), or by the spear of Seilenus. (Eurip. Cyclops, 7.) In his flight Athena

threw upon him the island of Sicily. (Apollod. i.
6. § 2.) There are two other fabulous beings of
this name. (Apollod. ii. 1. § 5; Eustath. ad Hom.
p. 918.)
[L. S.]

ENCO'LPIUS. [PETRONIUS.]

ENCO'LPIUS is named by Lampridius as the author of a life of the emperor Alexander Severus, with whom he lived upon terms of intimacy. (Lamprid. Alex. Sev. 17, 48.)

A book published by Thomas Elyot, a man celebrated for his learning in the reign of Henry VIII., under the title "The Image of Governance (Imago Imperii) compiled of the Actes and Sentences notable of the most noble emperor Alexander Severus, translated from the Greek of Eucolpius (Encolpius) into English," Lond. 1540, 1541, 1544, 1549, 4to., 1556, 1594, 8vo., is a fabrication. [W. R.]

ENDE'IS ('Evonís), a daughter of Chiron, who was married to Aeacus, by whom she became the mother of Peleus and Telamon. (Apollod. iii. 12. § 6,) Pausanias (ii. 29. § 7) calls her a daughter of Sciron. [L. S.]

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the time of Peisistratus and his sons, about R. C.
560. (Thiersch, Epochen, pp. 124, 125.) His
works were: 1. In the acropolis at Athens a sit-
ting statue of Athena, in olive-wood, with an in-
scription to the effect that Callias dedicated it, and
Endoeus made it. Hence his age is inferred, for
the first Callias who is mentioned in history is the
opponent of Peisistratus. (Herod. vi. 121.) 2. In
the temple of Athena Polias at Erythrae in Ionia,
a colossal wooden statue of the goddess, sitting on
a throne, holding a distaff in each hand, and having
a sun-dial (Tóλos) on the head. 3. In connexion
with this statue, there stood in the hypaethrum,
before the visit of Pausanias to the temple, statues
of the Graces and Hours, in white marble, also by
Endoeus. 4. A statue of Athena Alea, in her
temple at Tegea, made entirely of ivory, which
was transported to Rome by Augustus, and set up
in the entrance of his forum. (Paus. i. 26. § 5;
vii. 5. § 4; viii. 46. § 2; Athenag. Legat. pro
Christ. p. 293, a.)
[P.S.]

ENDY'MION ('Evdvuícov), a youth distinguished for his beauty, and renowned in ancient story by the perpetual sleep in which he spent his life. Some traditions about Endymion refer us to Elis, and others to Caria, and others again are a combination of the two. According to the first set of legends, he was a son of Aëthlius and Calyce, or of Zeus and Calyce, and succeeded Aethlius in the kingdom of Elis. (Paus. v. 1. § 2.) Others again say that he expelled Clymenus from the kingdom of Elis, and introduced into the country Aeolian settlers from Thessaly. (Apollod. i. 7. § 5, &c. ;

E'NDIUS (Evdios), of Sparta, son of Alcibiades, member of a family whose connexion with that of the Athenian Alcibiades had ina previous generation introduced into the latter this Lacedaemonian name. It is he apparently who was one of the three ambassadors sent by Sparta in 420 B. C. to dissuade Athens from the Argive alliance. They were chosen, says Thucydides, from the belief of their being acceptable to the Athenians, and possibly in particular with a view to conciliate his guest, Alcibiades, who probably made use of this very advan-Paus. v. 8. § 1.) Conon (Narrat. 14) calls him a tage in effecting the deception by which he defeated their purpose. He was elected ephor in the autumn of 413, the time of the Athenian disaster at Syracuse, and through him Alcibiades, now in exile, inflicted on his country the severe blow of bringing the Lacedaemonians to the coast of Ionia, which otherwise would at any rate have been postponed. His influence decided the government to lend its first succour to Chios; and when the blockade of their ships in Peiraeeus seemed likely to put a stop to all operations, he again persuaded Endius and his colleagues to make the attempt. Thucydides says, that Alcibiades was his Tarpukds és Tá μárioтa tévos; so that probably it was with him that Alcibiades resided during his stay at Sparta. (Thuc. v. 44, viii. 6, 12.) To these facts we may venture to add from Diodorus (xiii. 52, 53) the further statement, that after the defeat at Cyzicus, B. c. 410, he was sent from Sparta at the head of an embassy to Athens with proposals for peace of the fairest character, which were, however, through the influence of the presumptuous demagogue Cleophon, rejected. Endius, as the friend of Alcibiades, the victor of Cyzicus, would naturally be selected; and the account of Diodorus, with the exception of course of the oration he writes for Endius, may, notwithstanding the silence of Xenophon, be received as true in the [A. H. C.] ENDOEUS ("Evdolos), an Athenian statuary, 18 called a disciple of Daedalus, whom he is said to have accompanied when he fled to Crete. This statement must be taken to express, not the time at which he lived, but the style of art which he practised. It is probable that he lived at the same period as Dipoenus and Scyllis, who are in the same way called disciples of Daedalus, namely, in

main.

son of Zeus and Protogeneia, and Hyginus (Fab.
271) a son of Aetolus. He is said to have been
married to Asterodia, Chromia, Hyperippe, Neïs,
or Iphianassa; and Aetolus, Paeon, Epeius. Eury-
dice, and Naxus are called his children. He was,
however, especially beloved by Selene, by whom
he had fifty daughters. (Paus. v. 1. § 2.) He
caused his sons to engage in the race-course at
Olympia, and promised to the victor the succession
in his kingdom, and Epeius conquered his brothers,
and succeeded Endymion as king of Elis. He was
believed to be buried at Olympia, which also con-
tained a statue of his in the treasury of the Meta-
pontians. (Paus. vi. 19. 8, 20. § 6.) According
to a tradition, believed at Heracleia in Caria, En-
dymion had come from Elis to mount Latmus in
Caria, whence he is called the Latmian (Latmius;
Paus. v. 1. § 4; Ov. Ars Am. iii. 83, Trist. ii.
299). He is described by the poets either as a
king, a shepherd, or a hunter (Theocrit. iii. 49,
xx. 37 with the Scholiast), and while he was slum-
bering in a cave of mount Latmus, Selene came
down to him, kissed, and lay by his side. (Comp.
Apollon. Rhod. iv. 57.) There also he had, in
later times, a sanctuary, and his tomb was shewn
in a cave of mount Latmus. (Paus. v. 1. § 4;
Strab. xiv. p. 636.) His eternal sleep on Latmus
is assigned to different causes in ancient story.
Some said that Zeus had granted him a request,
and that Endymion begged for immortality, eter-
nal sleep, and everlasting youth (Apollod. i. 7.
§ 5.); others relate that he was received among
the gods of Olympus, but as he there fell in love
with Hera, Zeus, in his anger, punished him by
throwing him into eternal sleep on mount Latmus
(Schol. ad Theocrit. iii. 49.) Others, lastly, state-
that Selene, charmed with his surpassing beauty

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