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c., vii. pp. 294, d., 297, c., 304, d., 305, e., 312, b., 313, b., ix. pp. 371, e., 395, f, xii. p. 516, c., xiv. p. 662, d.) EPA'GATHUS, a profligate freedman, who along with Theocritus, a personage of the same class and stamp with himself, exercised unbounded influence over Caracalla, and was retained in the service of his successor. After the disastrous battle of Antioch, he was despatched by Macrinus to place Diadumenianus under the protection of the Parthian king, Artabanus; and at a subsequent period we find that the death of the celebrated Domitius Ulpianus was ascribed to his machinations, although the causes and circumstances of that event are involved in deep obscurity. Alexander Severus, apprehensive lest some tumult should arise at Rome, were he openly to take vengeance on Epagathus, nominated him Praefect of Egypt; but soon afterwards recalling him from thence, caused him to be conducted to Crete, aud there quietly put to death. [MACRINUs; DIADUMENIANUs ; ULPLANUs]. (Dion. Cass. lxxvii. 21, lxxviii. 39, lxxx. 2.) [W. R.] EPAINE ('Etawi), that is, the fearful, a surname of Persephone. (Hom. Il. ix. 457.) Plutarch (de Aud. poet. p. 23, a.) derives the name from alvos, which suggests, that it might also be understood in a euphemistic sense as the praised goddess. [L. S.] EPAMINONDAS ("Erauelva vöas, 'Etapuvøv6as), the Theban general and statesman, son of Polymnis, was born and reared in poverty, though his blood was noble. In his early years he is said to have enjoyed the instructions of Lysis of Tarentum, the Pythagorean, and we seem to trace the practical influence of this philosophy in several passages of his later life. (Plut. Pelop. 3, de Gen. Soc. 8, &c.; Ael. V. H. ii. 43, iii. 17, v. 5, xii. 43; Paus. iv. 31, viii. 52, ix. 13; C. Nep. Epam. 1, 2; comp. Fabric. Bibl. Graec. vol. i. p. 851, and the works of Dodwell and Bentley there referred to.) His close and enduring friendship with Pelopidas, unbroken as it was through a long series of years, and amidst all the military and civil offices which they held together, strikingly illustrates the tendency which contrast of character has to cement attachments, when they have for their foundation some essential point of similarity and sympathy. According to some, their friendship originated in the campaign in which they served together on the Spartan side against Mantineia, where Pelopidas having fallen in a battle, apparently dead, Epaminondas protected his body at the imminent risk of his own life, B. c. 385. (Plut. Pelop. 4; Xen. Hell. v. 2. § 1, &c.; Diod. xv. 5, 12; Paus. viii. 8.) When the Theban patriots engaged in their enterprise for the recovery of the Cadmeia, in B. c. 379, Epaminondas held aloof from it at first, from a fear, traceable to his Pythagorean religion, lest innocent blood should be shed in the tumult. To the object of the attempt, however, the delivery of Thebes from Spartan domination,--he was of course favourable. He had studiously exerted himself already to raise the spirit and confidence of the Theban youths, urging them to match themselves in gymnastic exercises with the Lacedaemonians of the citadel, and rebuking them, when successful in these, for the tameness of their submission to the invaders ; and, when the first step in the enterprise had been taken, and Archias and Leontiades were slain, he

came forward and took part decisively with Pelopidas and his confederates. (Plut. Pelop. 5, 12, de Gen. Soc. 3; Polyaen. ii. 2; Xen. Hell. v. 4. § 2, &c.) In B. c. 371, when the Athenian envoys went to Sparta to negotiate peace, Epaminondas also came thither, as an ambassador, to look after the interests of Thebes, and highly distinguished himself by his eloquence and ready wit in the debate which ensued on the question whether Thebes should be allowed to ratify the treaty in. the name of all Boeotia, thus obtaining a recognition of her claim to supremacy over the Boeotian towns. This being refused by the Spartans, the Thebans were excluded from the treaty altogether, and Cleombrotus was sent to invade Boeotia. The result was the battle of Leuctra, so fatal to the Lacedaemonians, in which the success of Thebes is said to have been owing mainly to the tactics of Epaminondas. He it was, indeed, who most strongly urged the giving battle, while he employed all the means in his power to raise the courage of his countrymen, not excluding even omens and oracles, for which, when unfavourable, he had but recently expressed his contempt. (Xen. Hell. vi. 3. §§ 18–20, 4. §§ 1–15 ; Diod. xv. 38, 51—56; Plut. Ages. 27, 28, Pelop. 20–23, Cam. 19, Reg. et Imp. Apoph. p. 58, ed. Tauchn., De seips, cit. inv. laud. 16, De San. Tuend. Praec. 23 ; Paus. viii. 27, ix. 13 ; Polyaen. ii. 2; C. Nep. Epam. 6; Cic. Tusc. Disp. i. 46, de Off: i. 24; Suid. s. v. 'Etapuvøvöas.) The project of Lycomedes for the founding of Megalopolis and the union of Arcadia was vigorously encouraged and forwarded by Epaminondas, B. c. 370, as a barrier against Spartan dominion, though we need not suppose with Pausanias that the plan originated with him. (Xen. Hell. vi. 5. § 6, &c.; Paus. viii. 27, ix. 14 ; Diod. xv. 59 ; Aristot. Polit. ii. 2, ed. Bekk.) In the next year, B. c. 369, the first invasion of the Peloponnesus by the Thebans took place, and when the rest of their generals were anxious to return home, as the term of their command was drawing to a close, Epaminondas and Pelopidas persuaded them to remain and to advance against Sparta. The country was ravaged as far as the coast, and the city itself, thrown into the utmost consternation by the unprecedented sight of an enemy's fires, and endangered also by treachery within, was saved only by the calm firmness and the wisdom of Agesilaus. Epaminondas, however, did not leave the Peloponnesus before he had inflicted a most serious blow on Sparta, and planted a permanent thorn in her side by the restoration of the Messenians to their country and the establishment of a new city, named Messene, on the site of the ancient Ithome, a work which was carried into effect with the utmost solemnity, and, as Epaminondas wished to have it believed, not without the special interposition of gods. and heroes. [ARIsToMENEs.] Meanwhile the Lacedaemonians had applied successfully for aid to Athens ; but the Athenian general, Iphicrates, seems to have acted on this occasion with less than his usual energy and ability, and the Theban army made its way back in safety through an unguarded pass of the Isthmus. Pausanias tells us that Epaminondas advanced to the walls of Athens, and that Iphicrates restrained his countrymen from marching out against him; but the several accounts. of these movements are by no means clear. (Xen. Hell. vi. 5. § 22, &c., 33–52, vii. 1. § 27; AristPolit. ii. 9, ed. Bekk. ; Plut. Pel. 24, Ages. 31– 34; Diod. xv. 62–67; Paus. iv. 26, 27, ix. 14; Polyb. iv. 33; C. Nep. Iph. 21.) On their return home Epaminondas and Pelopidas were impeached by their enemies on a capital charge of having retained their command beyond the legal term. The fact itself was true enough, but they were both honourably acquitted, Epaminondas having expressed his willingness to die if the Thebans would record that he had been put to death because he had humbled Sparta and taught his countrymen to face and to conquer her armies. Against his accusers he was philosophical and magnanimous enough, unlike Pelopidas, to take no measures of retaliation. (Plut. Pelop. 25, De seips, cit, inv. laud. 4, Reg. et Imp. Apoph. p. 60, ed. Tauchn. ; Paus. ix. 14 ; Ael. V. H. xiii. 42; C. Nep. Epam. 7, 8.) [PelopidAs ; MENECLEIDAs.] In the spring of 368 he again led a Theban army into the Peloponnesus, and having been vainly opposed at the Isthmus by the forces of Sparta and her allies, including Athens, he advanced against Sicyon and Pellene, and obliged them to relinquish their alliance with the Lacedaemonians; but on his return, he was repulsed by Chabrias in an attack which he made on Corinth. It seems doubtful whether his early departure home was owing to the rising jealousy of the Arcadians towards Thebes, or to the arrival of a force, chiefly of Celts and Iberians, sent by Dionysius I. to the aid of the Spartans. (Xen. Hell. vii. 1. §§ 15–22 ; Diod. xv. 68–70; Paus. ix. 15.) In the same year we find him serving, but not as general, in the Theban army which was sent into Thessaly to rescue Pelopidas from Alexander of Pherae, and which Diodorus tells us was saved from utter destruction only by the ability of Epaminondas. According to the same author, he held no command in the expedition in question because the Thebans thought he had not pursued as vigorously as he might his advantage over the Spartans at the Isthmus in the last campaign. The disaster in Thessaly, however, proved to Thebes his value, and in the next year (367) he was sent at the head of another force to release Pelopidas, and accomplished his object, according to Plutarch, without even striking a blow, and by the mere prestige of his name. (Diod. xv. 71, 72, 75; Plut. Pelop. 28, 29.) It would apar—and if so, it is a noble testimony to his virtue—that the Thebans took advantage of his absence on this expedition to destroy their old rival Orchomenus, a design which they had formed immediately after their victory at Leuctra, and which had been then prevented only by his remonstrances. (Diod. xv. 57, 79; Pausix. 15 ; Thirlwall's Greece, vol. v. pp. 120, 121.) In the spring of 366 he invaded the Peloponnesus for the third time, with the view chiefly of strengthening the influence of Thebes in Achaia, and so indirectly with the Arcadians as well, who were now more than half alienated from their former ally. Having obtained assurances of fidelity from the chief men in the several states, he did not deem it necessary to put down the oligarchical governments which had been established under Spartan protection; but the Arcadians made this moderation a ground of complaint against him to the Thebans, and the latter then sent harmosts to the different Achaean cities, and set up democracy in all of them, which, however, was soon overthrown everywhere by a counter-revolution. (Xen. Hell. vii. 1.

§§ 41–43; Diod. xv. 75.) In B. c. 363, when the oligarchical party in Arcadia had succeeded in bringing about a treaty of peace with Elis, the Theban officer in command at Tegea at first joined in the ratification of it; but afterwards, at the instigation of the chiefs of the democratic party, he ordered the gates of Tegea to be closed, and arrested many of the higher class. The Mantineians protested strongly against this act of violence, and prepared to resent it, and the Theban then released the prisoners, and apologized for his conduct. The Mantineians, however, sent to Thebes to demand that he should be capitally punished; but Epaminondas defended his conduct, saying, that he had acted more properly in arresting the prisoners than in releasing them, and expressed a determination of entering the Peloponnesus to carry on the war in conjunction with those Arcadians who still sided with Thebes. (Xen. Hell. vii. 4. §§ 12–40.) The alarm caused by this answer as symptomatic of an overbearing spirit of aggression on the part of Thebes, withdrew from her most of the Peloponnesians, though Argos, Messenia, Tegea, and Megalopolis still retained their connexion with her. It was then against a formidable coalition of states, including Athens and Sparta, that Epaminondas invaded the Peloponnesus, for the fourth time, in B. c. 362. The difficulties of his situation were great, but his energy and genius were fully equal to the crisis, and perhaps at no period of his life were they so remarkably displayed as at its glorious close. Advancing to Tegea, he took up his quarters there; but the time for which he held his command was drawing to an end, and it was necessary for the credit and interest of Thebes that the expedition should not be ineffectual. When then he ascertained that Agesilaus was on his march against him, he set out from Tegea in the evening, and marched straight on Sparta, hoping to find it undefended; but Agesilaus received intelligence of his design, and hastened back before his arrival, and the attempt of the Thebans on the city was baffled. [ARCHIDAMUs III.] They returned accordingly to Tegea, and thence marched on to Mantineia, whither their cavalry had preceded them. In the battle which ensued at this place, and in which the peculiar tactics of Epaminondas were brilliantly and successfully displayed, he himself, in the full career of victory, received a mortal wound, and was borne away from the throng. Ise was told that his death would follow directly on the javelin being extracted from the wound; but he would not allow this to be done till he had been assured that his shield was safe, and that the victory was with his countrymen. It was a disputed point by whose hand he fell : among others, the honour was assigned to Gryllus, the son of Xenophon. He was buried where he died, and his tomb was surmounted by a column, on which a shield was suspended, emblazoned with the device of a dragon—symbolical (says Pausanias) of his descent from the blood of the Xtraptoi, the children of the dragon's teeth. (Xen. Hell. vii. 5; Isocr. Ep. ad Arch. § 5 ; Diod. xv. 82–87; Plut. Ages. 34, 35, Apoph. 24; Paus. viii. 11, ix. 15; Just. vi. 7, 8; Cic. ad Fam. v. 12, de Fin. ii. 30; Suid. s. v. 'Emauvévôas; C. Nep. Epam. 9; Polyb. iv. 33.) The circumstances of ancient Greece supplied little or no scope for any but the narrowest patriotism, and this evil is perhaps never more apparent than when we think of it in connexion with the noble mind of one like Epaminondas. We do indeed find him rising above it, as, for instance, in his preservation of Orchomenus; but this was in spite of the system under which he lived, and which, while it checked throughout the full expansion of his character, sometimes (as in his vindication of the outrage at Tegea) seduced him into positive injustice. At the best, amidst all our admiration of his genius and his many splendid qualities, we cannot forget that they were directed, after all, to the one petty object of the aggrandizement of Thebes. In the ordinary characters of Grecian history we look for no more than this;– it comes before us painfully in the case of Epaminondas. (Ael. W. H. vii. 14; Cic. de Orat. iii. 34, de Fin. ii. 19, Brut. 13, Tusc. Disp. i. 2; Polyb. vi. 43, ix. 8, xxxii. 8, Fragm. Hist. 15; C. Nep. Epam. 10; Aesch. de Fals. Leg. p. 42.) [E. E.]

EPAPHRODI'TUS(‘Eraqpóðitos). 1. A freedman of Caesar Octavianus; he was sent by Octavianus, together with C. Proculeius, to queen Cleopatra to prepare her for her fate. The two emissaries, however, made the queen their prisoner, and kept her in strict custody, that she might not make away with herself; but she nevertheless succeeded in deceiving her gaolers. (Dion Cass. li. ll. 13.

2. o freedman and favourite of the emperor Nero, who employed him as his secretary. During the conspiracy which put an end to Nero's rule, Epaphroditus accompanied his master in his flight, and when Nero attempted to kill himself, Epaphroditus assisted him. For this service, however, he had afterwards to pay with his own life, for Domitian first banished and afterwards ordered him to be put to death, because he had not exerted himself to save the life of Nero. The philosopher Epictetus was the freedman of this Epaphroditus; but whether he is the same as the Epaphroditus to whom Josephus dedicated his “Jewish Antiquities,” and on whom he pronounces in his preface a high eulogium for his love of literature and history, is very uncertain, and it is generally believed that Josephus is speaking of one Epaphroditus who lived in the reign of Trajan and was a freedman and procurator of this emperor. (Tac. Ann. xv. 55; Sueton. Nero, 49, Domit. 14; Dion Cass. lxiii. 27, 29, lxvii. 14; Arrian, Dissert. Epict. i. 26; Suidas, s. v. 'Etríktmtos ; comp. the commentators on Josephus.) From all these persons of the name of Epaphroditus, we must distinguish the one whom the Apostle Paul mentions as his companion. (Philipp. ii. 25, iv. 18.) [L. S.]

EPAPHRODITUS, M. METTIUS, of Chaeroneia, a Greek grammarian. He was a disciple of Archias of Alexandria, and became the slave and afterwards the freedman of Modestus, the praefect of Egypt, whose son Pitelinus had been educated by Epaphroditus. After having obtained his liberty, he went to Rome, where he resided in the reign of Nero and down to the time of Nerva, and enjoyed a very high reputation for his learning. He was extremely fond of books, and is said to have collected a library of 30,000 valuable books. He died of dropsy at the age of seventy-five. Suidas (s. v. 'Etrappéðitos), from whom this account is derived, does not specify any work of our grammarian, but concludes his article by merely saying that he left behind him many good works. We know, however, from other sources, the titles of some grammatical works and commentaries: for

example, on Homer's Iliad and Odyssey (Steph. Byz. s. v. Aw8&vm ; Etym. M. s. v.v. čapol, KepaAmvia), an éési, mais eis “Oumpov kal IIsvöapov (Eudoc. p. 128), a commentary on Hesiod's “Shield of Heracles,” and on the Attia of Callimachus. which is frequently referred to by Stephanus of Byzantium and the Scholiast on Aeschylus. He is also mentioned several times in the Venetian Scholia on the Iliad. (Comp. Wisconti, Iconograph. Grecq. i. p. 266.) [L. S.] EPAPHUS ("Eraq,0s), a son of Zeus and Io, who was born on the river Nile, after the long wanderings of his mother. He was then concealed by the Curetes, by the request of Hera, but Io sought and afterwards found him in Syria. Epaphus, who subsequently became king of Egypt, married Memphis, the daughter of Nilus, or according to others, Cassiopeia, and built the city of Memphis. He had one daughter Libya, from whom Libya (Africa) received its name, and another bore the name of Lysianassa. (Apollod. ii. 1. §§ 3, 4, 5. § 1 l ; Hygin. Fab. 145, 149, 275; comp. Herod. iii. 27, 28.) Another mythical being of this name is mentioned by Hyginus. (Fab. init.) [L. S.] E/PAPHUS, is called a vir peritissimus, and seems to have written a work on Delphi, of which the seventeenth book is quoted. Servius (ad Aen. iii. 89) and Macrobius (Sat. iii. 6) both quote the same statement from his work. [L. S.] EPA'RCHIDES ('Etrapxtôms), is mentioned as a writer by Athenaeus in two passages (i. p. 30, ii. p. 61), both of which relate to Icarus, but it is impossible to conjecture the nature of the work of Eparchides. [L. S.] EPEIGEUS ('Etelye'ss), a Myrmidone and son of Agacles, who having killed his father, was obliged to flee from Budeion. He took refuge in the house of Peleus who sent him with Achilles to Troy, where he was killed by Hector. (Hom. Il. xvi. 570.) [L. S.] EPEIUS (Etelós) 1. A son of Endymion. [ENDyMION.] 2. A son of Panopeus, called the artist, who went with thirty ships from the Cyclades to Troy. (Dict. Cret. i. 17.) About the close of the Trojan war, he built the wooden horse under the protection and with the assistance of Athena. (Od. viii. 492, xi. 523 ; Il. xxiii. 664, &c., 840; Paus. ii. 29. S. 4.) According to Justin (xx. 2) the inhab itants of Metapontum, which he was believed to have founded, shewed in a temple of Athena the tools which he had used in constructing the horse. In the Homeric poems he appears as a mighty and gallant warrior, whereas later traditions assign to him an inferior place among the heroes at Troy. Stesichorus (ap. Eustath. ad Hom. p. 1323; Athen. x. p. 457) called him the water-bearer of the Atreidae, and as such he was represented in the temple of Apollo at Carthea. His cowardice, further, is said to have been so great, that it became proverbial. (Hesych. s. v.) According to Virgil (Aen. ii. 264), Epeius himself was one of the Greeks concealed in the wooden horse, and another tradition makes him the founder of Pisa in Italy. (Serv. ad Aen. x. 179.) There were at Argos very ancient carved images of Hermes and Aphrodite, which were believed to be the works of Epeius (Paus. ii. 19. § 6), and Plato (Ion, p. 533, a.) mentions him as a sculptor along with Daedalus and Theodorus of Samos. Epeius himself was painted by Polygnotus in the Lesche of Delphi in

the act of throwing down the Trojan wall, above which rose the head of the wooden horse. (Paus. x. 26. § 1. [L. S.] EPE'RATUS ('Etipatos), of Pharae in Achaia, was elected general of the Achaeans in B. c. 219, by the intrigues of Apelles, the adviser of Philip W. of Macedonia, in opposition to Timoxenus, who was supported by Aratus. Eperatus was held universally in low estimation, and was in fact totally unfit for his office, on which he entered in B. c. 218, so that, when his year had expired, he left numerous difficulties to Aratus, who succeeded him. (Polyb. iv. 82, v. 1, 5, 30, 9] ; Plut. A rat. 48.) [E. E.] E‘PHESUS ("Eteoros), a son of the river-god Caystrus, who was said, conjointly with Cresus, to have built the temple of Artemis at Ephesus, and to have called the town after himself. (Paus. vii. 2. S. 4.) [L. S.] EPHIALTES ('EquéAtms), one of the giants, who in the war against the gods was deprived of his left eye by Apollo, and of the right by Heracles. (Apollod. i. 6. S 2.) Respecting another personage of this name see ALOEIDAE. [L. S.] EPHIALTES ('EquéArms). 1. A Malian, who, in B. c. 480, when Leonidas was defending the pâss of Thermopylae, guided the body of Persians called the Immortals over the mountain path (the Anopaea), and thus enabled them to fall on the rear of the Greeks. Fearing after this the vengeance of the Spartans, he fled into Thessaly, and a price was set on his head by the Amphictyonic council. He ultimately returned to his country, and was put to death by one Athenades, a Trachinian, for some cause unconnected with his treason, but not further mentioned by Herodotus. (Her. vii. 213, &c.; Paus. i. 4; Strab. i. p. 20; Polyaen. vii. 15.) 2. An Athenian statesman and general, son of Sophonides, or, according to Diodorus, of Simonides, was a friend and partizan of Pericles, who is said by Plutarch to have often put him forward as the main ostensible agent in carrying political measures when he did not choose to appear prominently himself. (Ael. V. H. ii. 43, iii. 17: Plut. Peric. 7, Reip. Gerend. Praec. 15; Diod. xi. 77.) Thus, when the Spartans sent to ask the assistance of the Athenians against Ithome in B. c. 461, he endeavoured to prevent the people from granting the request, urging them not to raise a fallen rival, but to leave the spirit of Sparta to be trodden down; and we find him mentioned in particular as chiefly instrumental in that abridgment of the power of the Areiopagus, which inflicted such a blow on the oligarchical party, and against which the “Eumenides” of Aeschylus was directed. (Arist. Polit. ii. 12, ed. Bekk. ; Diod. l.c.; Plut. Cim. 10, 15, 16, Pericl. 7, 9; Cic. de Rep. i. 27.) By this measure Plutarch tells us that he introduced an unmixed democracy, and made the city drunk with liberty; but he does not state clearly the precise powers of which the Areiopagus was deprived, nor is it easy to decide this point, or to settle whether it was the authority of the court or the council that Pericles and Ephialtes assailed. (For a full discussion of the question the reader is referred to Müller, Eumen. §§ 35–37; Wachsmuth, Hist. Ant. vol. ii. p. 75, &c. Eng. transl. ; Hermann, Opusc. vol. iv. pp. 299–302, where the passages of Demosthenes [c. Arist. p. 641] and of Lysias [de Caed. Jorat. p. 94] are ably and satisfactorily re

conciled : Thirlwall's Greece, vol. iii. pp. 23, 24; Dict. of Ant. s. v. Areiopagus; and the authors mentioned by C. F. Hermann, Pol. Ant. § 109, note 6.) The services of Ephialtes to the democratic cause excited the rancorous enmity of some of the oligarchs, and led to his assassination during the night, probably in B. c. 456. It appears that in the time of Antiphon (see de Caed. Her. p. 137} the murderers had not been discovered ; but we learn, on the authority of Aristotle (ap. Plut. Pericl. 10), that the deed was perpetrated by one Aristodicus of Tanagra. The character of Ephialtes, as given by ancient writers, is a high and honourable one, insomuch that he is even classed with Aristeides for his inflexible integrity. Heracleides Ponticus tells us that he was in the habit of throwing open his grounds to the people, and giving entertainments to large numbers of them,--a statement which seems inconsistent with Aelian's account, possibly more rhetorical than true, of his poverty. (Plut. Cim. 10, Dem. 14; Ael. W. H. ii. 43, xi. 9, xiii. 39; Wal. Max. iii. 8. Ext. 4; Heracl. Pont. 1.) 3. One of the Athenian orators whose surrender was required by Alexander in B. c. 335, after the destruction of Thebes, though Demades prevailed on the king not to press the demand against any but Charidemus. (Arr. Anab. i. 10; Plut. Dem. 23, Phoc. 17; Diod. xvii. 15; Suid. s. v. 'AvtiTarpos.) 4. Plutarch (Alex. 41) mentions Ephialtes and Cissus as those who brought to Alexander the intelligence of the treachery and flight of Harpalus in B. c. 324, and were thrown into prison by the king as guilty of calumny. The play of the comic poet Phrynichus, called “Ephialtes,” does not seem to have had reference to any of the above persons, but rather to the Nightmare. (Meineke, Hist. Crit. Com. Graec. pp. 152–154.) [E. E.] EPHICIA'NUS. [IPHICANUs.] EPHIPPUS ("Equittos), of Olynthus, a Greek historian of Alexander the Great. It is commonly believed, though no reason is assigned, that Ephippus lived about or shortly after the time of Alexander. There is however a passage in Arrian (Anal. iii. 5. § 4) which would determine the age of Ephippus very accurately, if it could be proved that the Ephippus there mentioned is identical with the historian. Arrian says, that Alexander before leaving Egypt appointed Aeschylus (the Rhodian) and Ephippus Töv XaAkiöéas, superintendants ('etrio Kotrol) of the administration of Egypt. The reading Tów XaAkiöéas, though adopted by the recent editors of Arrian, is not in all MSS., and some editions read XaAktöóva or XaAkmöðva ; but if we might emend XaAkiöéa, we should have reason for supposing that the person mentioned by Arrian is the same as Ephippus of Olynthus, for Olynthus was the principal town in Chalcidice, and Ephippus might just as well be called a native of Olynthus as of Chalcidice. If the Ephippus then in Arrian be the same as the historian, he was a contemporary of Alexander and survived him for some time, for he wrote an account of the king's burial. The work of Ephippus is distinctly referred to by Athenaeus only, though Diodorus and others also seem to have made use of it. Athenaeus calls it in some passages repl ris 'AAečdvöpov Kal "Hopalatíavos MetaxNayńs, and in others he has taqis or TeXevrms instead of uétaxNayms, so that at all events we must conclude that it contained an account of the burial of Alexander as well as of his death. From the few fragments still extant, it would appear that Ephippus described more the private and personal character of his heroes than their public careers. (Athen. iii. p. 120, iv. p. 146, x. p. 434, xii. pp. 537, 538.) It should be remarked that by a singular mistake Suidas in his article Ephippus gives an account of Ephorus of Cumae. Pliny (Elench. lib. xii., xiii.) mentions one Ephippus among the authorities he consulted upon plants, and it is generally believed that he is a different person from our historian; but all the writers whom Pliny mentions along with him, belong to the period of Alexander, so that it is by no means improbable that he may be Ephippus of Olynthus. All that is known about Ephippus and the fragments of his work, is collected by R. Geier, in his Alexandri Magni Histor. Scriptores, aetate suppares, Lips. 1844, pp. 309–317. L. S.] EPHIPPUS ("Equittos), of Athens, was a comic poet of the middle comedy, as we learn from the testimonies of Suidas (s. v.), and Antiochus of Alexandria (Athen. xi. p. 482, c.), and from the allusions in his fragments to Plato, and the Academic philosophers (Athen. xi. p. 509, c. d.), and to Alexander of Pherae and his contemporaries, Dionysius the Elder, Cotys, Theodorus, and others. (Athen. iii. p. 112, f. xi. p. 482, d.) The following are the known titles of his plays: "Aptepus, Boča pis, Tmpvövms, 'EutroXī, ‘Eq/m301, Kipkm, Kööwv, Navayós,’OBeAlabópot,"Ouoioi, IIextaatss, Xatropa, PAwpa. An epigram which Eustathius ascribes to Ephippus (ad Iliad. xi. 697, p. 879. 38) is not his, but the production of some unknown author. (Comp. Athen. x. p. 442, d.) There are some fragments also extant from the unknown plays of Ephippus. (Meineke, Fragm. Com. Graec. vol. i. pp. 351—354, iii. pp. 322—340; Fabric. Bibl. Graec. vol. ii. pp. 297, 298, 440.) [P. S.] EPHORUS ("Eqopos). 1. Of Cumae, a celebrated Greek historian, was, according to Suidas, to whom we are indebted for our information respecting his life, a son either of Demophilus or Antiochus ; but as Plutarch (Ei ap. Delph. p. 389, a.) mentions only the former name, and as Ephorus's son was called Demophilus (Athen. vi. p.232), we must believe that the father of Ephorus was called Demophilus. Ephorus was a contemporary of Theopompus, and lived about B. c. 408, a date which Marx, one of his editors, strangely mistakes for the time at which Ephorus was born. Ephorus must have survived the accession of Alexander the Great, for Clemens of Alexandria (Strom. i. p. 403) states that Ephorus reckoned 735 years from the return of the Heracleidae down to B. c. 333, or the year in which Alexander went to Asia. The best period of his life must therefore have fallen in the reign of Philip. Ephorus was a pupil of Isocrates in rhetoric, at the time when that rhetorician had opened his school in the island of Chios; but not being very much gifted by nature, like most of his countrymen, he was found unfit for entering upon life when he returned home, and his father therefore sent him to school a second time. (Plut. Wit. X Orat. p. 839, a.) In order not to disappoint his father again, Ephorus now zealously devoted himself to the study of oratory, and his efforts were crowned with success, for he and Theopompus were the most distinguished among the pupils of Isocrates (Menand. Rhet. Alaipés.

droöekt. p. 626, ed. Aldus), and from Seneca (de Tranq. Anim. 6) it might almost appear, that Ephorus began the career of a public orator. Isocrates, however, dissuaded him from that course, for he well knew that oratory was not the field on which Ephorus could win laurels, and he exhorted him to devote himself to the study and composition of history. As Ephorus was of a more quiet and contemplative disposition than Theopompus, Isocrates advised the former to write the early history of Greece, and the latter to take up the later and more turbulent periods of history. (Suidas; Cic. de Orat. iii. 9; Phot. Bibl. Cod. 176, 260.) Plutarch (de Stoic. Repugn. 10) relates that Ephorus was among those who were accused of having conspired against the life of king Alexander, but that he successfully refuted the charge when he was summoned before the king. The above is all that is known respecting the life of Ephorus. The most celebrated of all his works, none of which have come down to us, was–1. A History (‘Iotopia) in thirty books. It began with the return of the Heracleidae, or, according to Suidas, with the Trojan times, and brought the history down to the siege of Perinthus in B. c. 341. It treated of the history of the barbarians as well as of that of the Greeks, and was thus the first attempt at writing a universal history that was ever made in Greece. It embraced a period of 750 years, and each of the thirty books contained a compact portion of the history, which formed a complete whole by itself. Each also contained a special preface and might bear a separate title, which either Ephorus himself or some later grammarian seems actually to have given to each book, for we know that the fourth book was called Eupatn. (Diod. iv. 1, v. 1, xvi. 14, 26; Polyb. v. 33, iv. 3; Strab. vii. p. 302; Clem. Alex. Strom. i. p. 403.) Ephorus himself did not live to complete his work, and it was finished by his son Demophilus. [DEMoPHILUs, No. 1.] Diyllus began his history at the point at which the work of Ephorus left off. As the work is unfortunately lost, and we possess only isolated fragments of it, it is not possible in all cases to determine the exact contents of each book; but the two collectors and editors of the fragments of Ephorus have done so, as far as it is feasible. Among the other works of Ephorus we may mention— 2. IIepl etpmuátwv, or on inventions, in two books. (Suidas ; Athen. iv. p. 182, viii. p. 352, xiv. p. 637; Strab. xiii. p. 622.) 3. Süvrayua Tixoplov. (Plut. de Vit. et Poes. Homer. 2.) This work, however, seems to have been nothing but a chapter of the fifth book of the ioTopsal. 4. IIepl Aéews. (Theon, Progymn. 2, 22; comp. Cic. Orat. 57.) This work, too, like a few others which are mentioned as separate productions, may have been only a portion of the History. Suidas mentions some more works, such as IIep dyabáv kal kaków, and IIapaščğav Tóv ékaoTaxod BiéAta, of which, however, nothing at all is known, and it is not impossible that they may have been excerpta or abridgments of certain portions of the History, which were made by late compilers and published under his name. As for the character of Ephorus as an historian, we have ample evidence that, in accordance with the simplicity and sincerity of his character, he desired to give a faithful account of the events he had to relate. He shewed his good sense in not

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