sustained by legislative sanctions, has declared that we will not permit our own laws, affecting our own citizens, to be executed by an alien Power; and, under no modification, will we concede the right of search. On these principles, we have nailed our colors to the mast. Then why enter into a "concert of measures," when, as far as we are concerned, we have discharged all the obligations which belong to a civilized nation, in abolishing this traffic -in which we have practically done more than all the rest of the world put together. That the topic is unsuitable "for deliberation," the President might, we suppose, have learnt, from the fate of the articles in the treaties he concluded with Great Britain and Colombia, the rejection of which, only subjected us to suspicion and reproach. It is entirely obvious, that, on this subject, we have no interest which invokes us to Panama. [H. of R. President says: "that additional reasons for withholding the acknowledgment of their Independence, have been recently seen, in their acceptance of a nominal sovereignty, by the grant of a foreign Prince." Whereas, Mr. Salazar says: "The descendants of this portion of the globe, (the People of Hayti) have succeeded in founding an independent Republic, whose Government is now recognized by its ancient metropolis." So far, the Colombian Minister, in disclosing the objects for which we should go into the Congress of Panama, in regard to this subject, is at points with our Executive. The President, however, declares that our Plenipotentiaries will be instructed to present these views to the Assembly at Panama; and should they not be concurred in, to decline acceding to any arrangement which may be proposed, on different principles. What views? Why, But what, Sir, does he say, on the other portentous not a solemn protest against our concurring in any plan theme? As tedious as the reading of these documents of recognition whatsoever; but, that, as Hayti is not suffi may be, my anxieties are too keenly excited to allow me ciently potent and formidable, from an entire and unequito omit bringing to your view the strange and equivocal vocal recognition of its independence, on the part of language which the Executive holds on this subject, after France, this recognition should be temporarily withheld having previously declared that "the light in which the by us. Now, Sir, the very contingency which is implied political"-mark you, political—" condition of Hayti is to from the President's own words, as the condition necessary be regarded," will be a suitable subject for deliberation, for our concurrence in any arrangement for recognition, in reference to a concert of measures between the Spanish is the one most alarming to the interests of the People of American Republics and ourselves. Hear what he says: the South. If this Republic is not in a state of Colonial "Whether the political condition of the Island of Hayti vassalage, its next best condition, for our safety, is one of "shall be brought at all into discussion at the meeting," nominal sovereignty, even by the grant of a foreign may be a question for preliminary advisement. There "are in the political constitution of Government, of that "People, circumstances which have hitherto forbidden "the acknowledgment of them, by the Government of "the United States, as sovereign and independent. Ad"ditional reasons for withholding that acknowledgment, "have recently been seen, in their acceptance of a nomi"nal sovereignty, by the grant of a foreign Prince, under "conditions equivalent to the concession by them, of ex❝clusive commercial advantages to one nation, adapted "altogether to the state of colonial vassalage, and retain"ing little of independence but the name. Our Plenipo"tentiaries will be instructed to present these views to the "assembly at Panama; and should they not be concurred "in, to decline acceding to any arrangement which may "be proposed upon different principles." 66 The President has, no doubt, thrown the subject, in the form in which he has thus presented it to this House, after the mysticism in which it was veiled to the Senate, to quiet the feelings of the South, which have been sensibly excited, by the fact of this proposition, and by the language the Colombian Minister has employed in relation to it. But I object, in limine, to the grounds on which the President puts our eventual acquiescence in any consultations on this topic, as founded in radical and pernicious error. Prince." But the Colombian Minister invites us into the Congress, expressly to establish "an uniform rule of conduct," in regard to this Island. Thus it is, that we, who have a settled and exclusive policy, in regard to this Island, are to unite in the deliberations of an assembly composed of the Deputies of Republics which have colleagued with all colors and complexions, in the consummation of their revolution; on a subject, too, in which their interest is at variance with our own, and in which they can hold no common sympathies with ourselves. Short sighted, indeed, must be the policy, or mischievous the design, of this project: for, if we assent, in the Congress of Panama, to a recognition, however qualified, it shakes the South to its centre; and if we reject the proposition for the establishment of this uniform rule, involving this recognition, we only excite the hostility of Hayti, and the jealousy and distrust of those with whom we are acting. Sir, it is proper, that, on this occasion, I should speak with candor, and without reserve; that I should avow what I believe to be the sentiments of the Southern People on this question; and this is, that Haytien Independence is not to be tolerated in any form. Our opinions are derived from a solemn conviction that the consequences of this recognition would be fatal to our repose; that the perilous examples on our own shores, and in our own barIn the first place, our policy may be considered as fix-bors, of the ensigns of the sovereignty of this People, ed, in regard to our relations with the Island of Hayti. would involve a condition of danger which would bring Such portions of the Union as have an interest in commer- home, for our adoption, the law of a supreme necessity, cial intercourse with it, may enjoy these benefits; but the in its most potent and insuperable form. The municipal point I consider as settled is, that we have no political or laws of many of the Southern States would conflict with diplomatic relations with its Government; and that, in no the provisions of a treaty containing such a recognition, shape whatsoever, should we acknowledge its independ- and produce a concussion which must end either in the ence. This last is a point of such eminent policy, in rela- annihilation of these States, or the destruction of the pow. tion to the peace and safety of a large number of the States er of the General Government. A People, Sir, will not of this Union, that it excites no small misgivings, to find stop to discuss the nice metaphysics of a federative systhat the President is willing to go into a foreign Congress, tem, when havoc and destruction menace them in their to treat on this vital and alarming question to our security doors. The law of necessity is the most imperious, beand repose, even as a matter of "preliminary advisement." cause it is the most ultimate and the most urgent of all Now, let us see by what guards the President proposes laws. to protect our interests. He says: "Whether the politi But far be it from me, in exposing the entanglement in cal condition of Hayti shall be brought at all into discus-which the President's even "preliminary advisement," sion at the meeting, may be a question for preliminary ad-on this subject, may involve us, to suppose that our visement." Now, what does Mr. Salazar say? "That Northern and Western brethren will withhold us their just this question will be determined at the Isthmus." The sympathy, on this subject. We believe they love our H. of R.] Mission to Panama. [APRIL 10, 1826. firm protest had been made to their Ministers here, and that our Ministers at these Republics had been instructed to deliver an equally unequivocal remonstrance against their touching the soil of these Islands; that a squadron had been ordered and detached, to watch the movements of these Powers, in regard to these objects; and, whilst our language had been firm and candid, our measures had been consistent and provident. But, alas! how stands the argument? In what posture are we placed? Why, the Secretary of State, under the authority of the President, as recently as the 26th of December, in his letter to Mr. Middleton, surrenders this whole subject at discretion, by holding this extraordinary language, and by making this extraordinary concession. He says: peace and safety more than Haytien Independence; and, to secure these, that they would be prepared to sacrifice even something of the profits of a more intimate commercial relation with that Island. The beneficent omens of this opinion, I cannot refrain from recognizing in the sentiments which my friend from Massachusetts (Mr. EvE RETT expressed on another occasion sentiments which, however grossly and ungenerously they may have been perverted, contain the true interpretation of the Constitution on this question, and the true principles of concord and harmony, by which this blessed covenant is to be upheld. In the fullness of my heart, I return to that gentleman, not my comparatively worthless thanks alone, but the tribute of the gratitude of the gallant and high-minded People I represent on this floor, for his intrepidity in avowing those truths which the Constitution of his country gave "For ourselves, we desire no change in the possession him a solemn right to express, and which the experience "of Cuba, as has been heretofore stated. We cannot alof history, and the authority of an enlightened philosophy, "low a transfer of the Island to any European Power. justify his entertaining. Let me, however, conclude this "But, if Spain should refuse to conclude a peace, and topic, by summing up in a word. Do not the very motives" obstinately resolve on continuing the war, although we and reasons which the President assigns for our going to "do not desire that either Colombia or Mexico should acthe Congress, on this subject, furnish the strongest in- "quire the Island of Cuba, the President cannot see any ducements for us to stay away 66 Are not the two horns justifiable ground on which we can forcibly interfere. of the dilemma, presented by this project, on the Presi- "Upon the hypothesis of an unnecessary protraction of dent's own showing, either weakness or mischief Which the war, imputable to Spain, it is evident that Cuba will will he take? "be her only point d'appui, in this hemisphere. How "can we interpose, on that supposition, against the party clearly having right on his side, in order to restrain or "defeat a lawful operation of war?" The next advantage on which the President dwells, as having furnished an urgent consideration for his acceptance of the invitation to Panama, is the probability that our councils may be beneficially exercised in that assembly, in securing in peace and tranquillity the existing state of things in the Islands of Cuba and Porto Rico. 66 And, by anticipation, lest the validity of this concession might be drawn in question, our Government seems to have sought the humiliating office of asking one of the Sir, this is a matter of grave moment, deeply interesting South American Ministers to write home to his Governto the People of this Union-particularly so to the South. ment, to induce it to suspend, for a limited time, the sailern portion of it. But what will the country say, when ing of the expedition against Cuba or Porto Rico, "until the documents accompanying the President's message, in "the result of the mediation of Russia (which we had soliwhich he assures us that, at the Congress in question, “cited) with Spain, to procure from her a recognition of the "all our efforts will be to preserve the existing state of “independence of her former colonies, should be known." things in tranquillity, at Cuba and Porto Rico," clearly In proof of this fact, I refer to Mr. Clay's letter, of the prove that the Government of this country has, by the 20th December, to Mr. Salazar. By the form and limitacontradictions and entanglements of their diplomacy, re- tion of this very request, it would thus seem, we had adlinquished every pretext for interference, by surrendering mitted that, as soon as the fact was ascertained that the to the South American Republics the whole argument, by mediation of Russia was either refused or of no effect, which alone our right to interfere could be sustained? then Mexico and Colombia might take Cuba, as "we Here I wish to rely upon facts, not upon inferences. The "should have no justifiable ground on which we can forcicommittee must, therefore, excuse my troubling them "bly interfere against a party clearly having the right on with certain highly important selections from the docu-"his side." These facts form the best commentary on the ments. And, lest I should do the President injustice, declaration of the President, "of how earnestly it has enlet me give you what he says, in his own words: 'gaged the attention of this Government"that these islands "The condition of the Islands of Cuba and Porto Rico should remain in their existing situation. "is of deeper import, and of more immediate bearing, Is it not, therefore, a mockery, for the Administration upon the present interests and future prospects of our to avow, that they send deputies to the Congress of Pa"Union. The correspondence herewith transmitted, will nama to prevent the Republics of Colombia and Mexico "show how earnestly it has engaged the attention of this from invading the Islands of Cuba and Porto Rico, when "Government. The invasion of both those Islands, by they have surrendered, in the face of the whole world, all "the united forces of Mexico and Colombia, is avowedly right to pretext for such interference? If our Represenamong the objects to be matured by the belligerent tatives should have the hardihood to say one syllable on "States, at Panama. The convulsions to which, from the this subject, might not the authority of the President be peculiar composition of their population, they would be quoted against ourselves? But the most extraordinary "liable, in the event of such an invasion, and the danger feature in the whole transaction is, that, whilst we have "therefrom resulting, of their falling, ultimately, into the placed ourselves in a situation by which the President, on "hands of some European Power other than Spain, will the faith of his own words, is forbid to interfere to prevent "not admit of our looking at the consequences to which the invasion of these Islands by the Mexican and South "the Congress at Panama may lead, with indifference. | American Republics, he has made a solemn declaration to "It is unnecessary to enlarge upon this topic; to say Europe, and entered into a formal stipulation with Mexi"more, than that all our efforts, in reference to this in- co, not to allow the occupation of Cuba and Porto Rico "terest, will be to preserve the existing state of things," by any European Power other than Spain, in any con"the tranquillity of the Islands, and the peace and secu- "tingency whatever." "rity of their inhabitants." 66 66 The conclusion would very naturally follow, from these declarations, that all the measures of the Administration had been directed to prevent these Islands from falling into the possession of Mexico or Colombia, or both; that a The declaration is explicit. Let us see if I can have mistaken its import. Mr. Clay, in his letter to our Minister at Paris, (Mr. Brown,) authorizes him to declare to the French Government, "In the same spirit, and with the "hope of guarding, beforehand, against any possible dif "ficulties on that subject, that may arise, you will now "add, that we could not consent to the occupation of those "Islands by any other European Power than Spain, un"der any contingency whatever." This contract to go to war, in this contingency, had a further sanction and binding efficacy given to it, as will appear from Mr. Clay's letter to Mr. Poinsett, of the 9th of November, in which he observes: "No longer than about three months ago, "when an invasion by France, of the Island of Cuba, was "believed at Mexico, the United Mexican Government "promptly called upon the Government of the United "States, through you, to fulfil the memorable pledge of "the President of the United States, in his message to "Congress, of December, 1823. What they would have "done, had the contingency happened, may be inferred "from a despatch to the American Minister at Paris, a "copy of which is herewith sent, which you are authoriz"ed to read to the Plenipotentiaries of the United Mexi"can States." This stipulation, it will be recollected, was to be urged as an effective consideration, by which valuable commercial equivalents were to be obtained. [H. of R. fere; or rather, on what principle we could deny to Spain the right of transferring, for a valuable consideration, a part and parcel of her own domain. Suppose, Sir, in payment for the vast, incalculable services of the British army, in the Peninsula war, she were to cede Cuba to England, with what face could we gainsay this exercise of right on the part of Spain, when, in payment of less obligatory claims, she sold Florida to us? But, suppose such an event consummated, does any man believe that the People of this country, as inconvenient as might be the occupation of Cuba by England, would go to war with that Power to make her surrender this cession? Do you believe that we should go into this bootless contest, in which we would spend, in a four years' war, more than the fee simple of Cuba would be worth, and "more blood "than would turn the wheel of a common grist mill for a "twelvemonth," to prevent what, after all, we should be as far from attaining as when we began the struggle? No, Sir, the sobriety and good sense of this People would revolt at the redemption of such an inconsiderate pledge, made in a case involving far less evil to the counI will not stop here to inquire into the right, accord- try than in the one in which all right to go to war has ing to the spirit of the Constitution, of the President to been abandoned. I say, boldly, far less evil; because, almake contracts in futuro with any Power to go to war; though the possession of Cuba, by Great Britain or France, because the doctrine is too absurd and mischievous to de- is much to be deprecated, as I have said before, yet, if serve a moment's notice. My object is a different one: this island was transferred to either of them, it would be to show that this Administration, in its anxiety to preserve attended with no violent concussion-there would start the existing state of things in Cuba and Porto Rico, has up no sanguinary and hideous anarchy, under the prostigiven up the right to interfere in the only contingency of tuted name of a Republic, to annoy and keep in perpeprobable and enormous danger that is likely to occur, and tual alarm that portion of this Union most vitally interundertaken, by a strong guarantee, to go to war in a con-ested in this question. Either European Power would tingency of infinitely less danger, to wit: to prevent the transfer of these Islands to "any European Power what ever. Now, sir, let us consider for a moment the first contingency, in which we have abandoned all right or pretext of interference, to wit: to prevent the South American Powers from invading Cuba and Porto Rico. The invasion of these islands by these Powers, involves such an amount of peril to the interests of this country, that it appears to me this is the only condition of things in regard to which it would, under the law of a supreme necessity, justify our interference to prevent it. I speak this, Sir, in re ference to the safety of three or four slave-holding States, on the borders or contiguous to the Gulf of Mexico. The invasion of Cuba, by the South American States, would at once lead to a revolution, followed by a servile revolt in that Island. Marching under the banners of universal emancipation, as these South American Republics do, the first means of success would be an appeal to the slaves themselves, which, in producing an internal concussion in that island, would inflict on our Southern country an example of the darkest and most perilous aspect; to say nothing of the great danger to our commerce and naval power, of permitting a youthful and ambitious Republic permanently to possess that Gibraltar of the Gulf of Mex ico. These circumstances make up an aggregate of peril and evil, to avert which would justify our right forcibly to interfere," whilst it fixes on the Government a sacred obligation to a portion of our common country, to prevent the shocking and successful example of a revolt, purchased through blood, havoc, and desolation, in their most atrocious forms, from being enacted almost within sight of our shores. have the naval and military means to coerce the brigands and blacks into peace and submission. On the other hand, in the contingency (according to the views of the Administration) where we cannot justifiably interfere to prevent the invasion of the island by the South American Powers-revolution or servile revolt would be the means of rendering that invasion successful; and, in the end, we should have either a second Carthage at our door, in the possession of Mexico or Colombia, or a second Hayti, to cast the shadow of its ominous gloom over our shores. Thus has our sagacious Cabinet negotiated-so fatally, that, in the event of this portentous calamity, we are precluded by the position they have taken, of urging, except by the most flagrant inconsistency, those arguments which a nation may deduce from an eminent necessity, and urge, by force of arms, if all other appeals should fail. The conclusion to which I arrive is, that, as we cannot go into the Congress at Panama, and take that ground which our safety and interests require, without an abandonment of the repeated declarations which we have made, we had better stay away, and act independently of the deliberations of the Congress, as our interests may dictate. The next and last reason which the President assigns for his favorable regards to this mission, is, (as he remarks,) "that the Congress of Panama is believed to present a "fair occasion for urging upon all the new Nations of "the South the just and liberal principles of religious li "berty.' I trust, Sir, I have too much respect for the religious sentiment in others, and too deeply regret, as the best of us are bound to do, its imperfect influence in my own bosom, to treat this topic with unbecoming reverence. Now, Sir, whilst I freely admit that the possession of It is not, therefore, to religion, "pure and undefiled," Cuba and Porto Rico, by any European Power other than that the few remarks I shall make are applicable, but to Spain, is very much to he deprecated, and ought to be the abuse of its venerated name, by substituting for the prevented by every effort of diplomacy, yet I am far from Word of God itself, that human spirit that "vaunteth itregarding such a contingency as involving that degree of self"-that, with a self-sufficient arrogance, presumes to danger, which, upon the principle of the se defendendo rebuke our neighbor, who professes a religion from the among nations, would authorize our going to war to avert. same divine origin with ourselves, on the insulting asI do not know on what principle, either of violent or sumption that he either less perfectly understands, or less overwhelming danger, we could place the right to inter-perfectly practises, its principles and precepts. Mission to Panama. [APRIL 10, 1826. I shall say nothing of that political sagacity which could have dictated this as one of the subjects likely to be dis- not entirely escape animadversion, and that some one of It may be readily conceived that this tart rebuke would cussed, with any beneficial consequence, at this Congress. the Spanish heroes of the church militant would reply to The President well knows what, on this topic, he has been our Plenipotentiary in substance, not entirely foreign, to able to obtain from these Catholic Republics by treaty, this purport: and what he will never procure; nor can he be ignorant "little bad, yet I think we can take the drift of the tenAlthough, Mr. Sergeant, your Spanish is a that, if his propositions were pressed to the extent and in "der counsels of your President. He wishes us to give the form in which the subject is presented in his message "up what he is pleased to call 'the last badge of religious to the Senate, without approximating a whit nearer his " object, he would only fill with disgust and irritation those "church.' bigotry and oppression' among us an exclusive whom he has had the modesty to lecture, as being less "kind, indeed, Sir, when he must know, or ought to We regard this advice as considerate and pure, less holy, and less Christian, than ourselves. But "know, that it is under the moral as well as religious inthis studied and subtle paragraph was neither intended to "fluence of this very exclusive church," this last badge christianize the Catholics at Panama, nor at the Vatican," of religious bigotry and oppression,' we have been carbut to enlist, on our shores, the spirit of religious fanati-"ried triumphantly through the travail of that Revolution cism under the political banners of this mission. knew well enough that, to countervail and counteract "us to be here; that this exclusive church' has given us, He "which has terminated in the sovereignty which enables those in this House, whom the prints, devoted to his Ad-"when we were thirsty and sinking in the desert, the ministration, are pleased to call a "factious opposition," "spring of that hope that never dies; that the Ministers the pulpit would be an effective organ-that, if the authority of reason failed-if this measure could not stand "oppression,' consummated by their valor in the field "of this 'exclusive church,' 'this last badge of bigotry and the test of sobriety and truth, he had nothing to do but to invoke that virtuous though mistaken enthusiasm, whose "are now establishing, perfecting, and diffusing, for the "that liberty, which, in the counsels of their country, they impulses have often, seemingly, almost sanctified the er-ends of human happiness and amelioration. Recollect, rors into which they have plunged, and the evils which "Sir, there are two sides to this argument-that we bethey have inflicted on man. But, Sir, into what a web of contradictions has the Pre- "whose source goes back to the Apostolic fountains, "long to that church, the most venerable for its antiquity, sident involved himself, even on this subject, where sin-" and that we maintain, (at least in our opinion) with gleness and directness of purpose ought, above all, to "more reason than you do the converse, the wisdom, the prevail! Compare that part of his message to the Senate, | "moral and political expediency of an exclusive church' having reference to this topic, with what he says to us."-that we think even that intolerance, which prescribes It is his misfortune to have neither the eloquence or the "belief, is better than that luxuriant liberality which good luck of Peter the Hermit. His crusade did not "permits every thing to be denied. If, in your opinion, take well in the other House, among his constitutional “we have something to correct in the rigor of our sysadvisers; some of them exposed both the absurdity in❝tem, look at home, Sir, and see if you have not also which it would involve ourselves, and the insult it would "something to mend in the rank licentiousness of yours." imply towards our South American friends in the shape in which he presented it; he, accordingly, taking counsel a moment, but I am sure his dexterity as a lawyer would Mr. Sergeant, Sir, might hang down his head at this for both from his "fears" and "duties," sent the proposition soon come to his assistance. He would discover that he to us, but so essentially altered and modified, that, so far had taken the wrong document out of his port folio; that, from an identity being discoverable, a remote family like-by mistake, he had read the improper message; and, with ness in the exterior is not even to be recognized. Congress of Panama that the President did not mean this-many apologies for his inadvertence, he would assure the that a few weeks after he had communicated the paragraph which he had just read, he transmitted to a co-ordinate branch of the Congress of the United States the following exemplification of his views, which might be taken as his last words on this subject: In order to illustrate this extraordinary dissimilitude, let us suppose our Ministers at the Congress, and that Mr. Sergeant, having got to the bottom of his pack of shreds and patches, at last pulls out with his instructions, (aye, Sir, graduated instructions, to use the technical phrase of the gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. WEBSTER) for graduated they will be, under the salutary corrective of the discussions in the Senate,) these two messages, as fur-" present a fair occasion for urging upon all the new Na"And, lastly, the Congress of Panama is believed to nishing "an effective exposition" of the opinions of the Pre-❝tions of the South, the just and liberal principles of resident in regard to the spiritual concerns of our friends "ligious liberty. Not by any interference whatever, in and neighbors. Let us suppose, in order that the elo-"their internal concerns, but by claiming for our citizens, quence and authoriy of the President might not be impaired, the learned barrister of Pennsylvania should, viva voce, in full Congress, thus read from his message to the Senate, to the high contracting and puissant Powers" there assembled, as follows: "whose occupations or interests may call them to occa- "and Mexico. Existing prejudices are still struggling "There is yet another subject, upon which, without "entering into any treaty, the moral influence of the Unit"ed States may, perhaps, be exerted with beneficial con"sequences at such a meeting-the advancement of reli"gious liberty. Some of the Southern Nations are, even "yet, so far under the dominion of prejudice, that they "have incorporated, with their political constitutions, an "exclusive church, without toleration of any other than "the dominant sect. The abandonment of this last badge of religious bigotry and oppression may be pressed more Some member of the Congress might well reply, "Mr. "effectually by the united exertions of those who concur Sergeant, this explanation may be satisfactory enough, "in the principles of freedom and conscience, upon those "although it does look a little like backing out,' but "who are yet to be convinced of their justice and wisdom," which your President wishes to obtain, by discussing "after all, this is mere paltering for all the objects "than by the solitary efforts of a Minister to any one of "here the subject of Religion, to wit: the privileges to "the separate Governments." "your citizens in our territories, of worshipping their 66 APRIL 10, 1826.] Mission to Panama. [H. of R. "Creator according to the dictates of their own con- "reasons assigned by him for his advice were, that Eu "sciences,' you have procured in your separate treaties" rope had a set of primary interests, which to us had "with us, and you know, and he knows, that no difficul- "none, or a very remote relation. That hence she must "ty whatsoever exists on this point. Hence it is that we "be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of "are surprised he should have desired to draw this topic" which were essentially foreign to our concerns. That "into discussion, in a shape not the most conciliatory or "our detached and distant situation invited and enabled "useful: for, whilst this message to the Senate imports" us to pursue a different course. That, by our union "an intolerable insult, his communication to your House "and rapid growth, the period was not far distant when "of Representatives is but empty surplusage." Thus we might defy all material injury from external annoydriven to the wall, I fear, sir, our Representative to Pa-"ance, and take such an attitude as would cause our neunama would have to confess that all this effervescent de- "trality to be respected; and, with reference to bellige clamation was not intended for exportation, but for use "rent nations, might choose peace or war, as our interand consumption at home; and would thank his stars that "ests, guided by justice, should counsel." The Presihe had got out of this matter without any more serious dent then says: "That the rapidity of our growth has fractures of the logic and consistency of the Chief Magis-"more than realized these anticipations: That the period trate of his country. "Washington predicted as then not far off, has arrived: The missionary spirit of the age has indeed broken out" and that America has a set of primary interests which in a new place. We have hitherto been content with the "have none, or a remote relation to Europe." He coneasy labors of turning the Asiatic from his superstition, cludes by declaring, "That the acceptance of this invitaand the African from his false idols; but it seems, under❝tion, so far from conflicting with the counsel or the pothe auspices of the President, we are to embark in a much more practicable enterprise-to roll back the light of the Gospel to the children of those who watched its early and beacon fires, and to these vigils for their preservation these descendants yet lay claim. The President seems to have read to little purpose the inimitable satire on such dreams as this, the Tale of a Tub; of which it is not the least of its praises to say, that its large fund of common sense is equal to its wit. In a word, Sir, instead of going to Panama to read our Catholic friends a homily on religion, had we not better stay at home and practice its precepts? But, Mr. Chairman, after all, if we have no right to find fault with the President for having indulged in whatsoever declamation he thought proper, on a theme certainly susceptible of rhetorical embellishment, we have a right to complain, in sorrow, if not in anger, at the unkind and irreverent effort (for I can characterize it by no milder term) which he had made to pervert the authority of the Father of our Country, as stamped on the inestimable legacy he bequeathed to us in his Farewell Address. This perversion is no light matter, either to posterity or ourselves. If there is any interpretation which should be fixed in the hearts and the understandings of this People, it is the meaning of this sacred and cherished instrument -this testimony of a father's love for those whom he had conducted in safety through a desert of human trial and suffering, to peace, honor, and happiness. From the time this address was written, down to the period the President transmitted his message to this House, I believe there was not a man in this country who did not think that the opinions of Washington, as expressed in these, his last admonitory words, were in opposition to our forming any foreign connexions or political alliances whatsoever. It was reserved, however, for Mr. Adams to discover our mistake, and to find out, with the adroitness of a case-hunting attorney, that, by taking certain detached passages, and uniting them in such a manner as that they might read in conjunction, even this cautious and sagacious politician might be made to bear testimony in behalf of the Panama Mission! Let us see how this dexterous result is obtained. The President informs us in his message, that, "Mind"ful of the advice given by the Father of our Country, in "his Farewell Address, that the great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is, in extending our "commercial relations, to have with them as little politi"cal connexion as possible; and faithfully adhering to "the spirit of that admonition, I cannot overlook the re"flection that the counsel of Washington in that instance, "like the counsel of wisdom, was founded upon the circumstances in which our country and the world around "us were situated at the time when it was given. The "licy of Washington, is decidedly deducible from, and "conformable to it." Now, Sir, by referring to the Address itself, it will be discovered that this whole summary of the President's is disjointed and detached from the context, and that the portion of the Farewell Address relating to our foreign intercourse, taken entire, furnishes the strongest disapprobation of, and the most unqualified argument against, the mission. This position I will sustain by General Washington's own words. He says, empha tically, "That the great rule of conduct for us in regard "to foreign nations, is, in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connexion "as possible. So far as we have already formed engage "ments, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. "HERE LET US STOP." And again he asks, "Why fore"go the advantages of so peculiar a situation Why "quit our own to STAND ON FOREIGN GROUND? Why, by "interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Eu"rope, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of "European ambition, rivalship, interest, humor, or ca" price?" 66 Now, Sir, I ask you whether the President "has been mindful of the advice of Washington "" Has not a political connexion, in relation to the abused and misquoted declaration of Mr. Monroe, been made the basis of an attempted or projected alliance-between foreign nations and ourselves-on the subject of the colonization of any portion of the territory of this continent? Has not the President perverted the spirit and meaning of the advice of Washington, by making that advice entirely applicable to Europe? Have not the Spanish American Republics "primary interests, which to us have none, or a very remote relation?" "And is not this very contest they are carrying on with the mother country of this character?" Are we not, in going into the Congress, hazarding our neutrality? Are we not about to "forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation?" Are we not about "to stand on foreign ground?" And when Washington referred to European alliances, was it not to illustrate the principles of our foreign relations, rather than to limit them to the Powers of Europe ? Do not his maxims, in reference to this policy, stand broadly and distinctly appli cable to the whole world? Does not "our detached and distant situation" to a majority of these Republics leave us free to elect our course? Sir, said Mr. H. (holding up the address) from this book I defy contradiction. But mark the mode by which the President arrives at his conclusion! He asserts, "that the period which Washington predicted as then not far off, has arrived," and that America has a set of primary interests of her own. General Washington makes no such prediction in regard to America, in the sense in which the President uses this term, comprehending as he does, within it, the different Powers |