APRIL 20, 1826.] Mission to Panama. [H. of R. gious belief, so long as they respect the laws and estab- were about to rush into a war; that there was danger that, lished usages of the country; and, also, in case of death, in a few weeks, the Gulf of Mexico would swarm with pri the privilege of what is usually denominated christian bu-vateers and pirates; the Washington policy would not for rial. Sir, gentlemen may differ as to the importance they bid us to instruct Mr. Poinsett and Mr. Anderson to inattach to one or both of these objects. To my mind they terpose their mediation, and endeavor, by all means, to are both highly important; both fair subjects of negotia-avert so pernicious a contest. Again: when we perceive tion; neither of them dictated by a wish to interfere with the States of continental Europe leaguing their councils the religious institutions of other States. I will name ano-and arms to suppress the growth of free institutions in Nather privilege connected with religious liberty, of which ples, in Piedmont, in Spain-however strong our sympathe same may be said. The citizen of Colombia, of Mex-thies for the weaker party and the oppressed cause; howico, of Chili, and of any other Catholic State, who is led ever warm and earnest our prayers, that the arm that by his business or convenience to establish himself in this strikes for liberty may be nerved with strength, that the country, enjoys, under the protection of our laws, the pri-blood that is shed for liberty may flow not unavenged; vilege of public social worship. This, surely, is not an the policy of Washington requires of us to stand aloof unimportant privilege in the eyes of the Catholics who from the contest. But let these same Powers combine may visit this country. Do not the fair principles of reci- for the subjugation of Mexico; let them give us to unprocity authorize our citizens to expect, in those States, derstand that the Atlantic is no barrier to their crusade what their citizens enjoy in ours? I do not say that this against Republics; then the Washington policy would privilege ought now to be claimed or negotiated for, ei- call every citizen of the United States to arms. This, sir, ther at the separate seats of Government or at Panama. I take to be the difference of the Washington policy, in But I say it is a fair subject of negotiation. If our bre. its application to Europe and America. This difference, thren of the new Republics cannot bear a word of this im- I take it to have been the object of the message to indi port,it is time they were taught better. Do not mistake me, cate. And if to assert that there is such a difference, be sir; I do not wish that this Government, or its Ministers, a renunciation of this policy, there is scarce a gentleman, should undertake to teach them better, at this time. But who has taken part in this debate, who has not renounced I say that such a proposal as this, flowing from sound it. Sir, that there is a difference in the application of the principles, and on the footing of fair reciprocity, is a pro- same general maxims of our policy to Europe and other per subject of negotiation, to be entrusted to discreet Mi-States on this continent, is a principle recognized from the nisters of the United States. I have named it as an ob-foundation of our Government. Never was it carried ject within the reach of the principles contained in the farther than by Mr. Jefferson, (then Secretary of State) message relative to the mission to Panama, in like manner in 1793. He went so far as to assume, that such was the as in the instructions to Mr. Anderson. And if my friend peculiarity of our situation, in reference to our neighbors from Ohio feels obliged, on this account, to vote against on this continent, that we might claim commercial privithe mission to Panama, he will be obliged, for the same leges in reference to them, to the exclusion of all other reason, to vote against every appropriation to support our Powers, even those to whom the footing of the most fa missions to the new Republics; inasmuch as the instruc-vored nation was stipulated by treaties. In his general intions which guide those missions are, in this respect, open structions to our Commissioners at Madrid, in 1793, Mr. to the same objection, and every one of our envoys to Jefferson thus expresses himself.-(Wait's State Papers, each of those Governments has those instructions in his x. 142.) "It will probably be urged, because it was port folio. "urged on a former occasion, that, if Spain grants to us Permit me, sir, while I am up, to express my under- “the right of navigating the Mississippi, other nations will standing of another part of the message to this House," become entitled to it, by virtue of treaties giving them which purports to be an exposition of the Washington" the rights of the most favored nations. Two answers policy, in reference to a measure like our attendance at 66 may be given to this. 1st. When those treaties were Panama; a part of the message which, in my judgment," made, no nations could be under contemplation but has been much misapprehended by gentlemen on the" those then existing; or those, at most, who might exother side of this question. I understand the purport of" ist under similar circumstances. America did not then that part of the message to be-not that General Wash-"exist as a nation; and the circumstances of her position ington's reasonings against entering into alliances do not" and commerce, are so totally dissimilar to every thing apply to the Southern Republics-but that they do not "then known, that the treaties of that day were not adaptforbid our attendance at Panama. The point considered, "ed to any such being." Such, sir, were the doctrines in the part of Washington's Address in question, is not of the cabinet of Washington, when Mr. Jefferson was the inexpediency of forming alliances-that is the subject Secretary of State. The present message, for repeating of another paragraph, as was stated by my honored col-them, alinost in terms, has been denounced in no very league (Mr. WEBSTER) the other day. But the particular gentle language, as inculcating a departure from the poproposition of Washington, considered in the late message,licy of Washington. is, that we ought to have "as little political connexion as The amendment under consideration, provides that our possible" with foreign States; and the message purports Ministers at Panama shall not be authorized to negotiate to show, what is most indisputable, that this sound maxim any offensivo or defensive alliance with all or any of the does not forbid such a measure as our attendance at Pa- Southern Republics. Are we not in some danger, Sir, in nama. In other words, because we ought to have as lit-pressing such a declaration, of putting this House-and as tle political connexion as possible with foreign States, far as an act of this House can do it-of putting this nafrom whom our distance enables us to stand aloof, that, tion, in an awkward and undignified posture of refusing therefore, it is not to be assumed that we are to have no what has not been asked? Yes, sir, what has not been political relations whatever with any foreign State, how. asked: for the Southern Republics have not invited us, ever near our shores or waters. Let me illustrate this in general terms, to contract an offensive and defensive alpoint by an example. Should Austria and Prussia go to liance with them. It is true, that on two particular points, war for Silesia, and Germany be involved in a general con- of which the original suggestion was understood by them test to enable the Emperor of Austria to re-annex that to be made by this Government, in the Message of De. province to his Crown, in the spirit of the Washington cember, 1823, the Colombian Minister has named an allipolicy we should regard it as a mere article of news. We ance, as a subject of discussion. On neither side of these should not move a finger for or against either of the par-points, nor on any points-as is stated in terms the preties. But, should we hear that Mexico and Colombia' sent message to the Senate-is it the intention of the T H. of R.] Mission to Panama. [APRIL 20, 1826. ing to the number of parties to it. And yet the gentle- The gentleman from Delaware (Mr. McLANE) regards them the most important part, because they will prevent Executive to propose an alliance. On one of these points, My objection to the amendment, in general, is, that it is not called for. In its substance, it purports to be a recognition of principles which nobody questions; to pass the amendment is, (though this design is disclaimed) to intimate that some one docs question them. Parts, indeed, of the amendment are open to positive objections, on grounds which no gentleman will controvert, although he may not admit their application. One article in the amendment is, that our Ministers shall go in a diplomatic capacity only. Can it be necessary that the House should resolve this? Can the Ministers go in any other capaci ty? Does any gentleman who hears me believe that they either can or will go in any other capacity than the diplomatic? Sir, let the Congress at Panama be any thing gentlemen's imaginations may make it; let it be a Government, a despotic Government, over countries confe derated and reduced to one; let it have the political unity of the French Directory; still our Ministers could be present only in a diplomatic capacity. If they went in any other capacity, or undertook to place themselves nullity. I can scarce believe, what, nevertheless, we have all been the witnesses of, that days and weeks have been spent in arguing against the Mission to Panama, on the ground that is inexpedient for the United States to change its Constitution and form of Government, and join another Confederacy! I repeat, Sir, that, could it be seriously supposed that our Ministers would go in any other than a diplomatic capacity, their going in such other capacity would be a mere nullity. If the President should send two members to the Privy Council at London, or two members to the Council of State at Paris, and if the Kings of France and England were disposed thus to give the APRIL 20, 1826.] Mission to Panama. [H. of R. President the right of naming members of these great be the result, however we may regret any present differ Councils, respectively, would that expose the United ence of opinion, the opposition to the measure will have States to be bound by the acts of those Councils; would been of infinite service to our country. Indeed, it has it unite our Government with those Governments? The already essentially changed the character of the mission, supposition will not bear arguing, scarcely will it bear and rendered it more acceptable to the nation. To anputting; and yet the same supposition has been made the other body, a broad proposition was presented on the basis of the most elaborate argumentation against the Mis-subject of religion; it now comes to us in a moderated, sion to Panama. an unexceptionable form, and we are, happily, not to be It is admitted by many of the friends of the amendment, called upon to embark in a crusade. The nation may that it contains no principle not contained in the messa- congratulate itself that it is not. For one, I should have ges; and if the amendment prevail, it will be by the sup- been very unwilling to have been a follower of any moport of those who regard it only as an echo of the con.dern hermit to an American Palestine, even should it have tents of those communications. But this is not the ground been the gentleman from Massachusetts himself, decorated on which it has been moved. I myself am not violently as he fancied he might be, in his military costume. The opposed to it, because it contains no general principle explanation given by that gentleman on this point, is cerwhich I do not adınit. I consider it uncalled for, unne-tainly satisfactory; still, it appears to me that this object cessary, originally opposed to the adoption of the resolu- may be better attained through the agency of our resi tion of the Committee of Foreign Affairs; and, deeming dent Ministers. Again, there is another question, on the amendment to that resolution, for the reasons stated, which the opinions of the Executive seem to have uninexpedient, I am disposed to vote against it, with or with- dergone some change in their passage between the two out the amendment. At the same time, Sir, I could free- Houses. I refer to alliances. It seems now, that our ly take the opposite course, without any inconsistency, al- Ministers are to be merely charged with the office of conthough, for the reasons I have urged, as well as many oth-sulting and deliberating on the expediency of "mutual ers, I am inclined to wish that the amendment at least pledges, compacts, and joint declarations." I trust that, should not prevail. as the Executive appears to have thus far yielded, wisely and discreetly too, to the moderating counsels of another body, he will receive our opinions as a further indication of public sentiment; and that, taking from our Ministers the office of consulting and deliberating upon questions which should never be submitted to any Congress but this, he will render the mission merely diplomatic, and strip it of every attribute calculated, mmediately or remotely, to disturb the steady march of our country, by involving its fate with the irregular destinies of Spanish Mr. CAMBRELENG said: I cannot agree, Mr. Chairman, with the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. EvERETT) in his views of the Washingtonian policy, and in the opinion that no departure from it is at this time contemplated by the Executive. In deciding what are the views of the President, I must reject the various explanations of gentlemen, and, as an act of courtesy, at least, adopt as ny guide his own declarations. If these have any meaning whatever, it is hostile to the sound policy expressed in the amendment under consideration. America. I have been, Sir, and I am still, an advocate for the Mission to Panama I was, as I am now, under an impression that it was a compliment due from us to the South American Republics; that our feelings and our interests alike prompted us to accept the invitation; and I supposed that our Ministers at Colombia and Mexico would have been directed to attend at Panama to offer the congratulations of the American People to Spanish America, on its emancipation from foreign dominion. I never, for a moment, thought that we were called upon to send Mi-ligence, morals, and religion; to consult on the expedi nisters of another character, or that they were to be charged with the grave and important duties which, as it appears by his message, have been sanctioned with the President's approbation. That this course should have been taken, is very much to be regretted. By giving it a character not anticipated, the mission has been rendered exceptionable, and thus have we seen unwisely destroyed that unanimity which was so much desired. Ineral resolution, to express its opinion on our foreign poconcur with the gentleman from Massachusetts that, on a question like this, we ought to have been united: for, whatever may be our political differences at home, in presenting ourselves to foreign nations we should always exhibit, to use his language, "an undivided front.” In this instance it is unhappily otherwise. The measure has encountered opposition; but that opposition can only be attributed to the very singular course pursued by the Executive and its advocates. It is very evident that some of the objects contemplated must be abandoned, or it is impossible to expect unanimity. Gentlemen, however, tell us, if we adopt the amendment, we interfere with Executive power; that we have no constitutional right to express an opinion upon the questions about to be discussed at the Congress of Panama. This would be strange, indeed. We are about to make the first movements towards an American Continental System. Our Ministers are about to assemble at Panama to consult and deliberate with the Deputies of eight nations, differing from us in habits, language, intelency of mutual pledges, compacts, and joint declarations, with Spanish America; and yet the constitutional right of this House to strike the evil at the root, is questioned and denied! The gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. WEBSTER) who deprecates any design to violate our neutrality, and abjures "the folly of all alliances "-who "would never surrender the right of this House, by gelicy"-still thinks that, if we adopt the resolution in this form, "we interfere with the duties of the Executive "— if we vote for the amendment, "we take upon ourselves the responsibility of defeating an Executive measure.” While he declares that "a general resolution, expressing our opinion on our foreign policy, would have his approbation"—still, he never could consent to sanction opinions expressed in this form. If, Sir, in the discharge of my legislative duties, I have sometimes reason to regret that I am not of the profession of which that gentleman is so distinguished an ornament, I have, on the other hand, I had not anticipated any opposition to an amendment some consolation when I see all the powers of reason, inrecommending a policy so unquestionably sound. The genuity, and argument, exhausted upon such grave matwisdom of its provisions is acknowledged on all hands. ters as the form of a resolution-when I see the energies It is even contended by some of the friends of the Presi- | of a great mind wasted upon questions that should be disdent that it is in conformity to his views, and yet it seems missed with a glauce. Another gentleman from Massato be resisted with the most persevering energy. I trust, chusetts (Mr. EVERETT sanctions a report, in which notwithstanding this opposition, that it will be sanction."the Committee have regarded it as their duty to the ed by our vote, and that its adoption will tend to restore "House to inquire into the expediency of accepting he the mission to its proper character. Should such happily "invitation." A subordinate Committee may make this Vor. II-154 H. of R.] Mission to Panama. [APRIL 20, 1826. singular inquiry, and yet the Committee of the Whole on them; they settled the question in the deep foundations the state of the Union cannot append an amendment of the Constitution. Such, however, was not the natuto the resolution with which the same report concludes, ral condition of Spanish America, where the varied feawithout assuming that responsibility which belongs to the tures of society were more nearly assimilated, and where Executive! But why, Sir, are we disputing about re- nature and habit seem to have combined to facilitate the sponsibility in a case like this? We are all responsible adjustment of the principle of universal emancipation. for the consequences which may flow from this mission. But while the same course was not practicable with us, it This is a great question of national policy; we are now is some consolation, and a well-founded one too, to know laying the foundations of that policy by which we are that there is no class in our country, whatever may be its hereafter to be governed, in peace and in war, in our political condition, that is not better fed and clothed— relations with Spanish America, and the World. On our more happy and more contented, than the peasantry of first step the destinies of our country may depend. It any State in Europe-and infinitely happier, than the becomes us to take it with deliberation, caution, and cir- poor and persecuted, but gallant spirited, and yet unsubcumspection. Every branch of this Government is ac- dued Irish. I cannot concur with the gentleman from countable-the House, the Senate, and the Executive, Massachusetts, (Mr. EVERETT.) So far as that gentleare each and all responsible to the American People. man would contend that wealth and talents will have doIn adopting the amendment, we assume no responsibili- minion over poverty and ignorance under all forms of Goty but that which we are bound to take upon ourselves, vernment, and that necessity, and the peace of society, in discharging the obligation we owe to our constituents may sometimes justify a departure from the liberal prinand our country, by expressing our unequivocal disap-ciples of the age, I would agree with him. So far as he probation of any pledge, compact, or declaration to, or would guard the constitutional rights of the South and with, Spanish America; by exercising our constitution- West, and secure the peace and happiness of these real right to declare, in any shape or form, that this House gions of our country, I entirely accord with him: but the will never sanction any measure leading to a departure gentleman has gone too far-he has expressed opinions from the long established and independent policy of our which ought not to escape without animadversion. I country. heard them with equal surprise and regret. I was astonished to hear him declare that "slavery, domestic slavery, say what men will, is a condition of life, as well as any other, to be justified by morality, religion, and international law"-and when, at the close of his opinions, he solemnly declared that this was his "confession of faith,” I lamented, sincerely lamented, that "Star-eyed Science had wandered there, There are some of the objects of this mission to which I am not opposed-even some of those, to use the President's language, of a character "speculative and experimental." If the cause of humanity and justice can be subserved at Panama-if the vexations and calamities of war can be moderated, and the intercourse among nations facilitated by the abolition of private war-by limitations of the extent of blockades and by shielding neutrals from the rights of war-let it be done. But, while If, sir, amidst the wild visions of German philosophy, these questions are entitled to our highest consideration I had ever reached a conclusion like this-if, in the Aula and respect; as every benevolent speculation of philo- of Gottingen, I had persuaded myself to adopt a political sophy, and every pious hope of the philanthropist should maxim so hostile to liberal institutions and the rights of be: it becomes our duty, as Statesmen, to be cautious mankind—I would have locked it up forever in the darkin assenting to any concessions for the purpose of ob- est chamber of my mind. Or if my zeal had been too artaining a revision of public law, or of establishing a con- dent for my discretion, this, at least, should never have ventional code for America. In revising conventional been the theatre of my eloquence. No, sir; if I might law, it would be wise to estimate at their true value all be permitted to borrow for a moment the gentleman's treaty stipulations calculated to bind the arm of war, or own weapons, I would say to him, that, if such had been to restrict its energies in a contest between weak and my doctrines, I would have turned my back upon my powerful nations. Before we consent to these engage-native land. Following the course of the "dark rolling ments, we should recollect that our own, as well as the Danube," and cutting my way through the Euxine, I experience of commercial nations, proves how light and would have visited a well-known Bazaar of Constantinople, unsubstantial are all such stipulations. The wise States- where I would have preached my doctrines amidst the man knows that war inevitably abrogates every provision rattling chains of the wretched captives. Nay, sir, to tending to restrict the means of annoying the enemy. use the gentleman's own language, I would have gone thence, and "laid my forehead on the footstool" of the Sultan-and entreated "him to set his foot on my head, as a recreant citizen of a recreant Republic”—then averting my eyes, I would have supplicated the Turk to "drive the steel still deeper into the bleeding heart of mangled Greece.” I am not opposed to the mission because the nations of Spanish America have established universal emancipation. That this would be an objection with some gentlemen, ought to have been anticipated. I cannot, however, persuade myself to reject the invitation because the Assembly at Panama is to be composed of the deputies of seven or eight nations which have all recognized in their Constitu. The gentleman from Massachusetts must pardon metions the principle of universal emancipation. This, sir, the parody is perhaps severe-but the declarations that is an interesting question, and, like the gentleman from occasioned them were singularly extravagant. This was Massachusetts, (Mr EVERETT) I feel anxious that my not the proper theatre for declaring such opinions, nor opinions should be understood. No occasion can be was it the quarter from whence we might have expected more proper for expressing them than the present, when them. Had they been expressed by gentlemen from the we are about to engage in consultation with nations whose South or West, it might not have excited so much surConstitutions vary from ours, in this essential principle. prise-the influence of habit and education is irresistible My doctrines, sir, on the subject of slavery, are the doc-their doctrines would have come to us under these paltrines of our ancestors, modified as they were by them- liating circumstances. But, coming from another quarselves in our act of Confederation. In this one respect, ter, and from a mind rich with intelligence, I heard them they left society in the political condition in which they with astonishment. I attributed something to a momentafound it-a reform would have been fearful and calami-ry excitement, that threw forth opinions which the delitous-a political revolution with one class was morally berate judgment would reject, and I was happy to perimpracticable. Consulting a wise humanity, they sub-ceive that the gentleman from Massachusetts had himself mitted to the condition in which Providence had placed modified his opinions in publishing them to the world. I 2437 APRIL 20, 1826.] Mission to Panama. trust that, on more mature reflection, our opinions on this interesting subject will not be discordant. {H. of R. cerely with the gentleman from Massachusetts, (Mr. WEBSTER)-it was the declaration of the Executive of Connected with the last, sir, there is another, and not our country to the world, made at an interesting crisis-I less interesting question, to which our attention has been would not recall it-it shall never be "blurred or blotcalled the destiny of Cuba. It appeared to me some-ted," by any act of mine. But I cannot go as far as he what singular, that two gentlemen from Louisiana, parti- does. I cannot agree with him, that this question "must cularly one, (Mr. LIVINGSTON) should have vindicated be discussed," and at the Congress of Panama. `The dethe policy of the Executive in its negotiations respecting claration revives and dies with the occasion-whenever the fate of that Island. No one, it seems to me, can exa- that occasion shall arrive-whenever any European Powmine the diplomatic correspondence of 1825, without beer shall interfere with the wars or independence of the ing made sensible that our rights have been voluntarily nations of this Continent-when the time arrives and we surrendered. What are our rights, sir? Next to Spain, are called upon to decide the question of peace or war, our right over Cuba is paramount to the claims of every "it must be discussed"—but not in the Congress of Pana. other nation. With Porto Rico we have nothing to do- ma. This is the only Congress in which that great quesit is far distant from us; but Cuba is on our border-we tion can or should ever be discussed and settled. The are vitally interested in its condition and Government; office of deliberating on the policy and justice of continthe commercial interest of the East-the agricultural in-gently engaging in war, should never be surrendered by terest of the West-the dearest and most valuable inte- this House-a right of this grave character should never rests of the South-nay, all the interests of every section be transferred to the Congress of Panama. I would not of the Union are involved in the destiny of Cuba. The instruct our Ministers even to consult or deliberate on the And although we are expressright of Spain once extinguished, from the nature of our propriety of entering into joint declarations upon ques. position, and our peculiar and various associations with tions of such magnitude. that Island, our right becomes supreme; it resists the ly called upon by the President to send Ministers to Pa European right of purchase; it is even paramount to the nama, to consult and deliberate on the expediency of a It is a right which joint declaration on this point, and of entering into a comMexican and Colombian right of war. should never have been surrendered to any Power, whe- pact or mutual pledge on another, yet the gentleman from Yet what have been the de- Massachusetts "sees nothing now which carries us bether belligerent or neutral. clarations and the policy of the Executive? While the yond what was contained in Mr. Monroe's message.' right of any European Power to acquire Cuba by pur- will not dispute with gentlemen about words; nor shall I chase has been denied-the belligerent right of Mexico adopt their construction of the President's message. It and Colombia to invade the Island, has been expressly is perfectly immaterial to me by what name these new and acknowledged; it has been conceded; we have in our foreign associations or stipulations are to be called. I correspondence positively declared, that we cannot re- care not whether they are denominated "alliances, comsist the right of war exercised by Mexico and Colombia- pacts, mutual pledges, or joint declarations." We are that we have no right to interfere, unless, indeed, they told expressly that our Ministers are to deliberate at Pashould put arms into the hands of one race of the inha- nama on the propriety of a mutual pledge or compact to bitants to destroy the lives of another." And in such a oppose territorial colonization, and that it deserves the crisis, what would be the condition of the Island? When experiment of consideration, whether a joint declaration is it, according to the policy sanctioned in our negotiations of our intention to resist the interference of any European with foreign Powers, and submitted to the inspection of Power, with the domestic concerns of the American Gothe Colombian and Mexican Ministers, that we claim the vernments, should not be made. Mere consultations and right of interposing and resisting the invasion? When deliberations may appear to us to be small matters. Some may think that nothing injurious can possibly grow out of one race is armed "to destroy the lives of another"when the standard of universal emancipation floats on the diplomatic consultations, and others may shelter themMoro-when insurgent fires are blazing on the mountains selves behind the contemptible argument, that, until the of Cuba, and gleaming along the shores of Florida, Ala- treaty stipulations are ratified, we are not bound by the bama, and Louisiana! Then, and not till then, according acts of our Ministers at Panana. But, sr, we should reto the concessions recorded in the short but comprehen- collect that this not the policy of a wise and just Peosive diplomatic history of the past year, do we claim the ple; that every thing depends upon the manner in which right of interposing to save Cuba and our own country we make our first movements and advances towards the from the consequences of the invasion! What our poli-independent nations of America-the future destinies of cy should be as it regards this Island, presents a question of infinite difficulty. But whatever may be its fate, it is not only our interest to protest against the European purchase, but our right forcibly to resist its invasion by Mexico and Colombia. The arms of Spanish America can never be carried into Cuba, unless under her constitutional banner-the standard of universal emancipation. This Island must remain under the dominion of Spain; if, how. ever, its political condition must be changed-if Spain must part with it-let it be independent-we want no colonies-let its independence be guarantied by commercial nations. But, be its destiny what it may, we must resist its invasion by our neighbors-they cannot carry the war into Cuba without endangering the interests of our country. This is a question of too much importance to be surrendered by this House--let us pause before we consent to submit its decision to the Congress of Panama. We have heard much, sir, of the "memorable pledge" of the declaration of Mr. Monroe, in 1823-a declara tion made in accordance with our truc policy-a policy which would have been unquestionably ratified by the House, and responded by the nation. I concur most sin our country are deeply involved in these, apparently, small matters; we should reflect that we are now laying the foundations of our American policy. The gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. WEBSTER) tells us, and truly too, that "we must bring ourselves up to the magnitude of the question-we must take a glance of the whole horizon." We must do so, sir, and we must also pause before we decide upon a question of such magnitude. We should observe well the attitude in which we now stand, and seriously inquire of ourselves whether we have any reason to desire a change. If the gentleman from Massachusetts will mark our present position attentively, and will for a moment carry his recollections back more than a century in English h story-if he will direct his attention to the period when the House of Hanover ascended the throne, he will perhaps discover some resemblance between the condition of England at England that time, and ours at the present moment. was then employed in laying the foundations of her continental system; she was then acquiring Hanover, and Once embarked amidst the visionary making the first advances towards her alliances, subsi dies, and wars. |