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agreed, that notwithstanding the progress of the arts, within these last thirty years, it is much less, from the grandeur and beauty of the monuments, than from the breadth and straightness of the streets, and much less from its edifices, than from its uniform regularity, its extent and position, that the capital of New Spain attracts the admiration of Europeans.

“Nothing can present a more rich and varied appearance, than the valley, when, in a fine, summer morning, the sky without a cloud, and of that deep azure which is peculiar to the dry and rarefied air of high mountains, we transport ourselves to the top of one of the towers of the cathedral of Mexico, or ascend the hill of Chapoltepeck. A beautiful vegetation surrounds this hill. Old, cypress trunks, of more than 15 and 16 metres in circumference, raise their naked heads above those of the schinus, which resemble, in their appearance, the weeping willows of the east. From the centre of this solitude, the summit of the porphyritical rock of Chapoltepeck, the eye sweeps over a vast plain of carefully cultivated fields, which extend to the very feet of the colossal mountains covered with perpetual snow. The city appears as if washed by the waters of the lake of Tezeuco, whose basin, surrounded with villages and hamlets, brings to mind the most beautiful lakes of the mountains of Switzerland. Large avenues of elms and poplars lead, in every direction, to the capital; and two aqueducts, constructed over arches of very great elevation, cross the plain, and exhibit an appearance equally agreeable and interesting. The magnificent convent of Nuestra Sonora de Guadaloupe, appears joined to the mountains of Tepeyacack, among ravines, which shelter a few date and young yucca trees. Towards the south, the whole tract between San Angel, Tacabaya, and San Augustin de las Cuevas, appears an immense garden of orange, peach, apple, cherry, and other European fruit trees. This beautiful cultivation forms a singular contrast with the wild appearance of the naked mountains which enclose the valley, among which the famous volcanos of La Puebla, Popocatepetl, and Iztaccicichuatl are the most distinguished. The first of these forms an enormous cone, of which the crater, continually inflamed, and throwing up smoke and ashes, opens in the midst of eternal snows.”

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preserved by their magnitude; and they manifest the exertions of prodigious labour and perseverance, commanded by despotism, under the influence of superstition. In fact, the Mexicans were invaders of the country they inhabited, and they treated the people whom they had conquered, with a harshness which continued original enmity. The whole surrounding territories willingly lent the assistance of their population, when they understood that Mexico, then besieged by Cortez, was to be demolished. The similarity discovered by M. de Humboldt, in the remains of the Mexican temples, with those of the old world, is striking. The pyramid is the form of their sacred edifices; and the construction of it is nearly, or altogether, the same as that of those still extant in Egypt. Certainly the Mexicans had arrived at a state of civilisation, and of art, highly creditable to their policy. They even possessed some advantages in science over the Greek, and the Roman nations, which are honoured among us with the name of classicks. The hieroglyphical pictures of the Mexicans, painted on stag skins dressed, on cotton cloth, and on leaves of the agave, a plant, prepared as the Egyptians prepared their papyrus, are monuments of literary skill, and valuable as publick records. Such, perhaps, were the national archives of their ancestors, at the period when they branched off from the main body of their parent state. The present population of Mexico is estimated at 135 to 140,000 , individuals. It probably consists of

2,500 white Europeans. 65,000 white Creoles. 33,000 indigenous [copper-coloured.] 26,500 Mesitzoes, mixture of whites and Indians. 10,000 Mulattoes.

137,000 inhabitants.

“There are, consequently, in Mexico 69,500 men of colour; and 67,500 whites; but a great number of the Mesitzoes are almost as white as the Europeans and Spanish Creoles!

“In the twenty three male convents which the capital contains, there are nearly 1200 individuals, of whom 580 are priests and choristers. In the fifteen female convents there are 2100 individuals, of whom nearly 900 are professed religieuses.

The clergy of the city of Mexico is extremely numerous, though less numerous by one fourth than at Madrid. It is under 2,500 persons. And without including lay brothers and novices, scarcely exceeds 2000. The archbishop of Mexico possesses a revenue of 18,420l. The consumption of wine has greatly increased, since the Brunonian theory has been known to the Mexican physicians. That invigorating liquor, however, can only be procured by the rich; being imported from Old Spain. The Indians, Mestizoes, Mulattoes, and the greater number of white Creoles, prefer the fermented juice of the agave, called fulque; and every morning carts go about the streets of the capital to pick up the drunken. Such is the weakness of man, savage or civilized Yet the present state of Mexico, as a city, is very respectable. There are institutions in almost every branch of instruction; botany, geography, military arts, natural history, &c. The polite arts also are studied. There is an academy for that purpose furnished with the best models, casts from the antique, living subjects, &c. and M. de H describes the unhappy bigotry of caste as suspended by this pursuit. The white, the brown, the copper coloured, all meet on a level, and sit by the side of each other, insensible to the feelings of pride, while excited by the spur of emulation.

That evil spirit, the principle of

caste, which attributes to colour and race the distinction due only to virtue, appears to be the bane of social life in Mexico, and in all the Spanish colonies. Pride exalts itself, without constraint, in the whites; affects a very close equality in those but one degree polluted in blood; and discerns, in every shade and mixture, as it deepens, a cause for a distinct appellation, and a proportionate degree of diminished respect. The copper coloured Indian is the lowest on the list. This never was the intention of the great Father of all. As we must resume our report on these volumes, we close the present article by the following general remarks of this intelligent observer:

“Among the colonies subject to the king of Spain, Mexico occupies, at present, the first rank, both on account of its territorial wealth, and on account of its favourable position for commerce with Europe and Asia. We speak here merely of the political value of the country, considering it in its actual state of civilisation, which is very superiour to that of the other Spanish possessions. Many branches of agriculture have undoubtedly attained a higher degree of perfection in the province of Caraccas than in New Spain. The fewer mines a colony has, the more the industry of the inhabitants is turned towards the productions of the vegetable kingdom. The fertility of the soil is greater in the provinces of Cumana, of New Barcelona, and Venezuela; and it is greater on the banks of the Lower Orinoco, and in the northern part of New Granada, than in the kingdom of Mexico, of which several reions are barren, destitute of water, and incapable of vegetation. But on considering the greatness of the population of Mexico, the number of considerable cities in the proximity of one another; the enormous value of the metallick produce, and its influence on the commerce of Europe and Asia; in short, on examining the imperfect state of cultivation observable in the rest of Spanish America, we are tempted to justify the preference which the court of Madrid has long manifested for Mexico, above its other colonies.”

FROM THE UNIVERSAL MAGAZINE.

Memoirs of Robert Cary, earl of Monmouth. Written by himself. And Fragmenta Regalia; being a History of Queen Elizabeth’s Favourites. By Sir Robert Naunton. i Plays, masks, triumphs, and tournaments, which the author calls tourneys, were small branches of those many spreading aliurements which Elizabeth made use of to draw to herself the affections and the admiration of her subjects. She appeared at them with dignity, case, grace, and affability.

With Explanatory Annotations.

THIS is a republication of no ordinary importance; and we should think ill of the state of publick taste, if it were coldly received. We could wish, indeed, it had been printed with a little more economy of paper and type. All works of real value and importance should be given to the literary world as cheaply as possible. It is a hard tax, in these hard times, upon a poor scholar, that he must either starve his body or his mind. If he buys books, he must want his mutton: if he buys his mutton, he must want books. The following advertisement will explain the origin and republication of this work:

“The memoirs of sir Robert Cary were first published from the original MS. by the earl of Corke and Orrery. They contain an interesting account of some important passages in Elizabeth’s reign, and throw peculiar light upon the personal character of the queen. The original edition having now become very scarce, it is presumed that a new impression will be acceptable to the publick. Several additions have been made to the earl of Corke’s explanatory notes, particularly to such as refer to Border matters. These additions are distinguished by the letter E. “As a suitable companion to Cary’s Memoirs, the Fragmenta Regalia, a source from which our historians have drawn the most authentick account of the court of the virgin queen, have also been reprinted. The author, sir Robert Naunton, lived in the element of a court, and had experienced all its fluctuations. His characters of statesmen and warriours are drawn with such spirit, as leaves us only to regret their brevity, and the obscurity in which he sometimes thinks it prudent to involve them. To lessen this inconvenience, a few explanatory notes have been added. “Memoirs are the materials, and often the touchstone of history, and even where they descend to incidents beneath her nof

tice, they aid the studies of the antiquary and the moral philosopher. While, therefore, it is to be regretted, that the reserved temper of our nation has generally deterred eur soldiers and statesmen from recording their own story, an attempt to preserve, explain, or render more generally accessible, the works which we possess of this nature, seems to have some claim upon publick favour.”

The preface to this volume contains some interesting, historical remarks, which tend considerably to elucidate the memoirs, and the explanatory notes, by the present editor, judiciously supply the omissions of the former one.

The memoirs themselves are eminently amusing. They exhibit a fresh and faithful picture of the court of Elizabeth, and of herself, whom they sometimes display in a light not very amiable, though written by a man who deemed highly of her, and crouched beneath her imperious sway. The author relates nothing but what he saw, and he was engaged in many of the most important events of her reign.

Among the extracts which we propose to make from this volume, it would be unpardonable to omit the following account of the destruction of that numerous fleet which Spain equipped for our destruction: Spain, that country for whom we are now fighting, on her own shores! Strange mutability of human events!

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fortune to light first on the Spanish fleet; and finding ourselves in the wrong, we tacked about, and in some short time got to our own fleet, which was not far from the other. At our coming aboard our admiral, we stayed there awhile; but finding the ship pestered, and scant of cabins, we left the admiral, and went aboard captain Reyman, where we stayed, and were very welcome, and much made of. It was on Thursday that we came to the fleet. All that day we followed close the Spanish armado, and nothing was attempted on either side; the same course we held all Friday and Saturday, by which time the Spanish fleet cast anchor just before Calais. We likewise did the same, a very small distance behind them, and so continued till Monday morning about two of the clock; in which time our council of war had provided six old hulks, and stuffed them full of every combustible matter fit for burning, and on Monday, at two in the morning, they were let loose, with each of them a man in her to direct them. The tide serving, they brought them very near the Spanish fleet, so that they could not miss to come amongst the midst of them: then they set fire on them, and came off themselves, having each of them a little boat to bring him off. The ships set on fire came so directly to the Spanish fleet, as they had no way to avoid them, but to cut all their halsers, and so escape; and their haste was such, that they left one of their four great galeasses on ground before Calais, which our men took and had the spoil of, where many of the Spaniards were slain, with the governour thereof, but most of them were saved with wading ashore to Calais. They being in this disorder, we made ready to follow them, where began a cruel fight, and we had such advantage both of wind and tide, as we had a glorious day of them; continuing fight from four o'clock in the morning till almost five or six at night, where they lost a dozen or fourteen of their best ships, some sunk, and the rest ran ashore in diverse parts to keep themselves from sinking. After God had given us this great victory, they made all the haste they could away, and we followed them Tuesday and Wednesday, by which time they were gotten as far as Flamborough-head. It was resolved on Wednesday at night, that, by four o'clock on Thursday, we should have a

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new fight with them o a farewell; but by two in the morning, there was a flag of council hung outin our vice-admiral, when it was found that in the whole fleet there was not munition sufficient to make half a fight; and therefore it was there concluded, that we should let them pass, and our fleet to return to the Downs. That night we parted with them, we had a mighty storm. Our fleet cast anchor, and endured it; but the Spanish fleet, wanting their anchors, were many of them cast ashore on the west of Ireland, where they had all their throats cut by the kernes;" and some of them on Scotland, where they were no better used; and the rest, with much ado, got into Spain again. Thus did God bless us, and gave victory over this invincible navy; the sea calmed, and all our ships came to the Downs on Friday in safety.”

Elizabeth wished to monopolize the affection of all her courtiers. She was jealous of every step they took, if without her permission.— When our author married, it gave her high offence, and the manner in which he calmed her anger, shows him to have been an acute politician, and Elizabeth, a woman whose vanity grossly blinded her judgment.

“Having ended my business, I meant to return to Carlisle again. My father wrote to me from Windsor, that the queen meant to have a great triumph there on her coronation day, 1593, and that there was great preparation making for the course of the field and tourney. He gave me notice of the queen’s anger for my marriage; and said it may be, I being so near, and to return without honouring her day as I ever before had done, might be a cause of her further dislike, but left it to myself to do what I thought best. My business of law, therefore, being ended, I came to court, and lodged there very privately; only I made myself known to my father and some few friends besides. I here took order, and sent to London to provide me things necessary for the triumph: I prepared a present for her majesty, which, with my caparisons, cost me above four hundred pounds. I came into the triumph unknown of any. I was the forsaken knight that had avowed solitariness, but, hearing of this great triumph, thought to honour my mistress with my best service, and then to return to pay my wonted mourning. The triumph ended, and all things well passed over to the queen’s liking.” I then made myself known in court; and for the time I stayed there, was daily conversant with my old companions and friends; but it so fell out that I made no long stay there: it was upon this occasion. My brother, sir John Cary, that was then marshal of Berwick, was sent to by the king of Scots, to desire him that he would meet his majesty at the bound road at a day appointed: for, that he had a matter of great importance to acquaint his sister, the queen of England withal; but he would not trust the queen’s ambassadour with it, nor any other, unless it were my father, or some of his children. My brother sent him word he would gladly wait on his majesty, but durst not until he had acquainted the queen there with; and when he had received her answer he would acquaint him with it. My brother sent notice to my father of the king's desire. My father showed the letter to the queen. She was not willing that my brother should stir out of the town;f but knowing, though she would not know, that I was in the court, she said: “I hear your fine son that has lately married so worthily, is hereabouts; send him, if you will, to know the king’s pleasure.” My father answered, he knew I would be glad to obey her commands. ‘No,” said she, “do you bid him go, for I have nothing to do with him.’ My father came and told me what had passed between them. I thought it hard to be sent

and not to see her. But my father told me plainly, that she would neither speak with me, nor see me. “Sir,” said I, * if she be or such hard terms with me, I had need be wary, what I do. If I go to the king without her license, it were in her power to hang meS at my return; and, for any thing 1 see, it were ill trusting her.’ My father merrily went to the queen, and told her what I said. She answered, “if the gentleman be so mistrustful, let the secretary make a safe conduct to go and come, and I will sign it.” upon these terms I. parted from court, and made all the haste for Scotland. I stayed but one night with my wife at Carlisle, and then to Berwick, and so to Edinburgh, where it pleased the king to use me very graciously: and after three or four days spent in sport and merriment, he acquainted me with what he desired the queen should know, which, when I understood, I said to his majesty, * Sir, between subject and subject, a message may be sent and delivered without any danger; between two so great monarchs as your majesty and my mistress, I dare not trust my memory to be a relator, but must desire you would be pleased to write your mind to her, if you shall think fit to trust me with it, I shall faith. fully discharge the trust reposed in me.” He liked the motion, and said it should be so, and accordingly I had my despatch within four days. || “I made all the haste I could to court, which was then at Hampton Court. I arrived there on St. Steven’s day in the afternoon. Dirty as I was, I came into the presence, where I found the lords and ladies dancing. The queen was not there. My father went to the queen, to let her know that I was returned. She willed him to take my message or letters, and bring them to her. He came for them, but I desired him to

* The queen was undoubtedly advertised, that her forsaken knight (for such, indeed, he was) had issued forth from his solitariness to bask himself in the sunshine of her luminous countenance, and to gather courage and prowess from the beams of her bright eyes. Nothing, not even trifles, passed abroad or at home, with which she was not acquainted. But as she had no immediate occasion for the services of sir Robert Cary, her majesty was determined still to continue the outward show of her resentment, till she wanted him.

f The town of Berwick, from whence the queen would not have him stir, because o did not deem him to be a proper messenger, knowing there was a better within Call.

# Still maintaining her dignity, yet impatient to have him go.

S. By this expression may be seen the terrour in which this mighty princess govern. ed her subjects. By the unrelaxed tightness with which she grasped the reigns of government, she was at once beloved and feared.

| The purport of this interview with James VI. does not appear. James was, in 1593, greatly embarrassed with Bothwell on the one hand, and the Catholick earls of Huntley and Errol on the other. Probably the conference regarded some request of assistance from England.

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