lier de Luxembourg, who drove my troops from the branches of the trenches, and made us fall back to St. Catherine’s. An excellent officer of my staff had his head shot off by a cannon-ball by my side. The enemy lost a great number of men before he returned to the citadel. I caused every thing to be repaired. I was now suddenly obliged to abandon the siege, leaving the direction of it to prince Alexander of Würtemberg. The elector of Bavaria was engaged in that of Brussels. Marlborough and I made him raise it after a pretty battle, and some excellent, well combined manoeuvres, of which he had all the honour, for I could not pass the Scheldt where I wanted. The elector of Bavaria was somewhat ashamed. The French princes would have been so too, had not their joy on returning to Versailles prevented them. I went back to the siege; but what a change! The marshal had taken advantage of my absence to drive the besiegers from the first covered way, of which I had left them in possession. After regaining it, as well as the other posts that had been abandoned, I wrote as follows to the brave Boufflers: “ The French are my has retired, M. le Marechal, toward Tournay, the elector of Bavaria to Namur, and the princes to their courts. Spare yourself and your brave garrison. I will again sign whatever you please.” His answer was: “There is yet no occasion to be in a hurry. Permit me to defend myself as long as I can. I have still enough left to do to render myself more worthy of the esteem of the man whom I respect above all others.” I gave orders for the assault of the second covered way. The king of France apparently anticipated this, for he wrote to the marshal to surrender. Notwithstanding his repugnance to such a step, he was on the point of obeying, when, in a note which the duke of Burgundy had subjoined to the

king's letter, he read: “I know from a certain quarter, that they want to make you a prisoner of war.” I know not where he picked up this information; but that prince, respectable as he was in peace, could neither say nor do any but foolish things in war. This note, however, produced some impression for a moment. Generals, soldiers, and all, swore rather to perish in the breach. Boufflers wept for joy, as I have been told; and when on the point of embracing this alternative, he recollected my note, which got the better of the duke of Burgundy's; and after the trenches had been opened four months before the city and citadel, he sent me on the 8th of December, all the articles that he wished me to sign, which I did without any restriction. I went very soon with the prince of Orange to pay him a visit, and in truth to do homage to his merit. I cordially embraced him, and accepted an invitation to supper; “ on condition,” said I, “ that it be that of a famished citadel, to see what you may eat

..without an express order from the

king.” Roasted horse-flesh was set before us; the epicures in my suite were far from relishing the joke, but were quickly consoled by the arrival of provisions from the city, on which we made an excellent repast. The following day I gave him as good a dinner as I could, at my abbey, where he paid me a visit. We were very merry and communicative. We talked of war, politicks, and Louis XIV. On the latter subject I was highly amused with the flatteries of the states-general, who thinking themselves very cunning, were in hopes by these means to dispose him to peace, of which they were ardently desirous. I durst not be alone a moment with the marshal, lest idle stories should be circulated respectiug us; and one or the other might appear suspicious to our courts, where people are always sure to have good friends, who are never asleep. After manifesting my consideration for the illustrious vanquished, whenever we were together at the play, and when we went abroad into the streets, where I observed that he was universally adored, I caused him and his brave garrison to be conducted to Douay, with a large escort and all possible honours. * After retaking Ghent and Bruges, Marlborough and I put our troops in winter-quarters, and went for a month to Brussels; but my mother was no longer there. ... 1709.-January 9th, we set out for the Hague. series of honours and festivities; presents for Marlborough, and fireworks for me. But I prevented a magnificent exhibition, by requesting the states-general to give the money it was to have cost to their brave soldiers, whom I had caused to be crippled; and the 20th of January I set off for Vienna, to report and ask for further orders. ... I was directed to make peace, if the enemy would comply with all my demands. I returned on the 8th of April to the Hague, where I found the plenipotentiaries of the king of France. Famine, a winter more severe than had ever been known, want of men and money, made him wish for peace; but the vanquished forget that they are such, as soon as they enter upon negotia. tion. They mistake obstinacy for firmness, and at last get more soundly beaten than before. * - One hundred thousand men were again under Marlborough's command and mine in the Low Countries; and the same number under that of Villars. “I am going,” said he to the king on taking leave, “to drive your enemies so far, that they shall not again see the banks of the Scheldt; and by a battle on my arrival, to regain all that has been taken from your majesty.” Without wishing to avoid one, for he was morally and physically brave, he took an extremely advantageous position. This was one of his great

It was nothing but a

talents. He wanted very little to be a perfect warriour. With reenforcements, which poured in to us on all sides, we were stronger than he, but there was no possibility of attacking him where he was. To oblige him to quit his position, we resolved to besiege Tournay. The trenches were opened on the 7th of July, the white flag was hoisted on the 28th, and on the 21st of August, after the most terrible subterraneous war that I ever witnessed (for in twenty-six days, the besieged sprung thirty-eight mines) the citadel surrendered. Villars never stirred. “Let us go and take Mons,” said I to Marlborough; “perhaps this devil of a fellow will tire of being so prudent.” Madame de Maintenon did not give him credit for so much prudence as he possessed, though she was very fond of him: for she permitted Louis XIV. to send marshal Boufflers to assist him. Certain enemies of Villars, at Versailles, hoped to give him disgust; but I have already proved, that brave men agree together, and love and esteem each other. The two marshals would gladly have saved Mons without risking a battle; we stood upon ceremony to know which party should oblige the other to give it. As soon as our troops from Tournay had arrived: “Let us lose no time,” said I; “ and in spite of 120,000 men, woods, hedges, villages, holes, triple intrenchments, a hundred pieces of cannon and abattis, let us put an end to the war in one day.” The deputies of Holland, and some faint-hearted generals, objected, remonstrated, and tired me. It was of no use to tell them that the excellent veteran French soldiers were killed in the six or seven battles which Marlborough and I had gained; and though I well knew that young ones are formed but too ex

peditiously, an advantage in which

they are superiour to all other nations, we determined upon the battle of Malplaquet. The 11th of September a thick fog concealed our dispositions from the marshals; we dispelled it at eight in the morning; by a general discharge of all our artillery. This military musick was succeeded by that of hautboys, drums, fifes, and trumpets, with which I treated both armies. We then saw Villars proceeding through all .the ranks. As the French can never hear enough of their king: “My friends,” said he to them, as I have been told, “the king commands me to fight: are you not very glad of it?” He was answered with shouts of, Vive le Roi et M. de Villars! I attacked the wood of Sars without shouting. I rallied the English guards, who, at the beginning, were scattered; some from too much courage, and others from a contrary reason: my, German battalions supp. them. We had, nevertheless, could be given me; but yet I would try what I could do. 1711.-Joseph I. was attacked with the small-pox. There were no good physicians at Vienna. They sent to Lintz for one. The pustules came out in such abundance, that I thought him out of danger. On setting out for the Low Countries, I wanted to take leave of him. He sent me word that I had but too much exposed my life for him already, and that he wanted it elsewhere than for the small-pox. I insisted no farther, and set off on the 16th of April. Three days afterwards I was informed of his death, occasioned by the ignorance of the faculty of Upper and Lower Austria, who disputed all night about the means of relieving an inflammation of the bowels, with which the emperour was afflicted. I sincerely regretted this prince, aged thirty-three; the first since Charles V. who possessed genius, and was not superstitious; and I determined to serve him even after his death. I hurried to almost all the electors to dispose them to ensure the imperial crown to his brother, and then went to solicit the Dutch to continue their credit in money and friendship to Charles II. king of Spain, who became the emperour Charles V1. The protestants did not fail to publish that the court of Rome, which had suffered some humiliations from Joseph I. had bribed his physicians; but no credit should be given to defamatory libels, and to the authors of private anecdotes, as they are called. It has long been the fashion to assert that great personages die of poison. Tallard, more dangerous in peace than in war, whom I would not have left prisoner in England could I have suspected that he would there acquire any influence, enabled the tories to triumph, and crush the whigs. His assiduous attention to Mrs. Marsham, the queen's new favourite, instead of the dutchess of Marlborough, his insinuating manners,

een overwhelmed, had not the duke of Argyle, who boldly climbed the parapet of the intrenchment, made me master of the wood. All this procured me a ball behind the ear; and on account of the quantity of blood which I lost, all those about me advised me to have the wound dressed. “If I am beaten,” I replied, “it will not be worth while; and if the French are, I shall have plenty of time for that.” What could I have done better than to seek death, after all the responsibility which I had again taken upon myself on this occasion? I beg pardon for this digression and personality; but one cannot help being a man. To endeavour to repair faults committed, is, I acknowledge, more noble; but to survive one's glory is dreadful. My business on the right going on well, I wished to decide that of the duke on the left, which proceeded but slowly. To no purpose the prince of Orange had planted a standard on the third intrenchment; almost the whole Dutch corps was extended on the ground, killed or wounded. For six hours Marlborough was engaged with the

centre and the left, without any decisive advantage. My cavalry, which I sent to his succour, was overthrown on the way by the king’s household troops, who were in their turn routed by a battery which took them in flank. At length Marlborough had gained ground without me; so that it was easy for me to turn the centre of the enemy's army which had been left unsupported in consequence of the defeat of the wings. Boufflers rendered the same service to Villars as I did to Marlborough, and when he beheld him fall from his horse, dangerously wounded below the knee, and the victory snatched from them, he thought of nothing but how to make the best retreat in the best possible order. I think it is not too much to estimate the loss of both armies at 40,000 men; those who were not killed, had died of fatigue. I gave some rest to the remains of my troops, buried all I could, and then marched to Mons. ,

There were but 5,000 men in that place. I opened the trenches on the 25th of September, and on the 22d of October, being on the point of assaulting the horn-work of Bertamont, Grimaldi capitulated. Our troops went into winter quarters; and I, being obliged to post about without intermission, proceeded with Marl

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and his presents of Burgundy and Champagne to right honourable members of Parliament, who were amateurs of those wines, changed the aspect of European affairs. Marlborough was playing his last game in the Low Countries. He found means to finish his military career there with glory; he forced the French lines behind the Senzée, and took the city of Bouchain. On the disgrace of the dutchess, a thousand faults were discovered in him. His pride was denominated insolence, and his rather too great economy was branded with the name of peculation and extortion. His friends, as may be supposed, behaved like friends; and that is saying sufficient. He was recalled. To me this was a thunderbolt. The French assembled on the Rhine. I sent Vehlen with a strong detachment from the Low Countries, and leaving the Hague on the 19th of July, I collected as expeditiously as possible, all the troops I could, at Frankfurt, and took so good a position in a camp near Mühlberg, as to cause to be held, and to cover the election to the imperial crown, which would have been lost had I received a check. The French durst not dise turb it. This was for me a campaign of prudence rather than of glory. Queen Anne threw off all re. straint. She had given an unfavourable reception to the Dutch ambassadour, and had forbidden Gallas, the imperial minister, her court; as: signing as a reason certain expressions which he had employed respecting her. Charles VI. ordered me to make amends for the awkwardness of Gallas, if he had been guilty of any, and to regain the court of St. James’s. Had I acted, as my good cousin, Victor Amedaeus, would have done in my place, I should have cried out against Marlborough still more loudly than his enemies, and have refused to see him. But from policy itself, persons of narrow minds ought to counterfeit feeling. Their designs are too easily seen through. They are despised and miss their object. Gratitude, esteem, the partnership in so many military operations, and pity for a person in disgrace, caused me to throw myself with emotion into Marlborough's arms. Besides, on such occasions, the heart proves victorious. The people, who followed me every where from the moment I set foot in London, perceived it, and liked me the better for this: while the opposition, and the honest part of the court esteemed me the more. In one way or other, all was over for Austria. I coaxed the people in power a good deal. I made presents; for buying is very common in England. I offered to procure the recall of Gallas. I delivered a memorial on this subject, and requested the queen to take other bases at the congress of Utrecht, where her plenipotentiaries already were, that the emperour might be enabled to send histhither, I received so vague a reply, that had the court of Vienna believed me, they would not have reckoned at all upon the feeble succour of the duke of Ormond, who set out to command the English, as successour to the duke of Marlborough, and I should not have lost the battle of Denain. This happened in the following manner. Notwithstanding my distinguished reception from the queen, who, at my departure, presented me with her portrait, I went and told the statesgeneral that we had now nobody on whom we could rely but themselves; and passing through Utrecht to make my observations, I found the tone of the French so altered, so elevated, that I was more certain than ever of the truth of what I had announced. On my arrival at the abbey of Anchin, where I assembled my army, amounting to upwards of 100,000 men, Ormond came and made me the fairest promises, and had the goodness to consent to my passing the Scheldt below Bouchain.

But after feigning to agree to the siege of Quesnoi, he first strove to dissuade me from that step, and then, without reserve, refused to concur in it. I said to him: “Well sir, I will do without your eighteen thousand men.” “I will lead them,” said he, “to take possession of Dunkirk, which the French are to deliver to me.” “I congratulate the two nations,” replied I, “ on this operation, which will confer as much honour on the one as on the other. Adieu, sir.” He ordered all the troops in the pay of England to follow him. Very few obeyed. I had foreseen the stroke, and had made sure of the prince of Anhalt, and the prince of Hesse Cassel. July the 30th I took Quesnoi. I gave the direction of the siege of Landrecy to the prince of Anhalt, and entered into the lines which I had directed to be formed between Marchiennes and Denain. The Dutch had collected large stores of ammunition and provisions at Marchiennes. In vain I represented to them that they would be better at Quesnoi, only three leagues from Landrecy, and only ten from us; the economy of these gentlemen opposed the change. This made me say peevishly, and as I have been told, with an oath, one day when Alexander's conquests were the subject of conversation: “He had no Dutch deputies with his army.” I ordered twenty of their battalions, and ten squadrons under the command of the earl of Albemarle, to enter the lines, and approached Quesnoi with the main body of my army, to watch the motions of Villars. During all these shuffling tricks, of which I foresaw that I should be the dupe, and which Louis XIV. knew nothing of, I made him tremble upon his throne. At a very small distance from Versailles, one of my partisans carried off Berenghen, under the idea that it was the dauphin; others pillaged Champagne and Lorraine. Growenstein, with two thousand

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