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CHAPTER XI.

JACKSON'S ADMINISTRATIONS.

1829-1837.

THE PRESIDENT'S POLICY.

General Jackson's administration was an eventful one, and marks an epoch in the political history of the country. The nation had known him as a fearless and successful general, but when the legislature of Tennessee nominated him for the presidency, it was looked upon in New England as a piece of absurdity. Though his state had sent him to the House of Representatives, and subsequently to the Senate, he had not impressed the country as a statesman. A man of the masses, and an idol of the people, he rode into power on the popular cry that the tendencies of government had been undemocratic, and the will of the people had been disregarded under the pretext of adhering to the constitution. The election of Jackson, therefore, was looked upon as a victory of the people, and a triumph of the democratic prinple. His inaugural address was highly republican, and indicated no radical departure from the policies of his predecessors. He promised to keep steadily in view the limitations, as well as the extent of the executive power; to preserve peace and cultivate friendship with foreign nations; not to confound the powers that the states had reserved to themselves with those they had granted to the federal government, in any measures he might be called upon to pursue in regard to their rights; to give no inconsiderable share of his solicitude to the management of the public revenue; to lend aid to any measure looking to the strengthening of the national

militia; to correct those abuses which had brought the patronage of the federal government into conflict with the freedom of elections; and to counteract those causes which had disturbed the rightful course of appointment, and had placed or continued power in unfaithful or incompetent hands. In relation to the one important question of state versus federal authority, it will be observed, that he makes a statement so general as to leave his views in utter doubt. To "take care not to confound the reserved powers of the separate states with those which they had granted to the confederacy," without intimating any opinion whatever upon the point of real issue before the country-the threatening attitude of Georgia and South Carolina-was calculated to quiet both sides temporarily, and enable the President to glide safely between the dangerous rocks.

PARTY OPPOSITION.

The "era of good feeling" that dawned upon Monroe's administration was not destined to last. Under the present administration the old party spirit and party names were revived with increased bitterness. The President encountered a constant struggle with his political opponents, the national republicans, the anti-Masons, the United States Bank, the nullificationists, and the loose constructionists of his own party, who were in favor of protection and internal improvements. He was successful only because his opponents could not unite upon any single line of policy, and because he was a man of undoubted sincerity, to whom, contending, as he was, against great odds, there would come considerable support through natural sympathy.

REMOVALS FROM OFFICE.

President Jackson inaugurated and carried out what is commonly called the "spoils system," from an expression

dropped by one William L. Marcy, a senator from New York, in a speech urging the Senate to confirm the nomination of Martin Van Buren as minister to England. In the course of his speech he said: "The people of New York preach what they practice; when they are contending for victory, they avow their intention of enjoying the fruits of it. If they are defeated, they expect to retire from office. If they are successful, they claim, as a matter of right, the advantage of success. They see nothing wrong in the rule that to the victors belong the spoils of the enemy." "To the victors belong the spoils" from that hour to this has been the inviolable law of American politics. Though the President had, some twelve years before, counseled James Monroe, in a private letter, soon after his inauguration as President," to exterminate that monster called party spirit;" yet, in his own administration he established a precedent, which, more than anything else, is calculated to keep alive party spirit and degrade the public service. He removed officials, merely because they differed from him in their political views, and replaced them with his own political friends. The general alleged, in extenuation of his policy, that he could conduct the government better by the aid of his friends than by that of his opponents, remarking that he was "too old a soldier to leave his garrison in the hands of his enemies." Collectors and inspectors of customs, surveyors of ports, naval officers, district marshals and attorneys, receivers of public moneys, comptrollers, auditors, registers and clerks in the executive departments were removed indiscriminately, and democrats appointed in their places. During his entire administration the number of removals ran up to six hundred and ninety. In comparison with this, General Washington, in eight years, removed nine public officers, one for default; John Adams, in four years, removed ten, one for default; Thomas Jefferson, in eight years, removed thirty-nine; James

Madison, in eight years, removed five, three of them for default; John Quincy Adams, in four years, removed only two, and both of them for default. The national republicans opposed this policy, and passed resolutions condemning it.

Congress met December 7, 1829, the democrats having a Twenty-first Congress, majority in both branches. In his First Session. message to this Congress the President advised a change in the mode of electing the President and Vice-President, so as to have the people vote directly for these offices. As to the tariff he did not give a distinct enunciation of his views, but left the impression that he would be unfavorable to protection. With reference to the national bank he showed clearly that he doubted the constitutionality of it, by suggesting that an inquiry be made into the question, and also the advisability of renewing its charter. He advised retrenchment and reform in various directions, but, upon the majority of things in the message, Congress was not disposed to act. To many of them they paid no attention at all. This shows that the President, from the very start, did not have the entire co-operation of his own party.

THE WEBSTER AND HAYNE DEBATE.

It was during this session that the "Great Debate in the Senate," between Daniel Webster, of Massachusetts, and Mr. Hayne, of South Carolina, occurred. The occasion of it was a resolution offered by Mr. Foot, of Connecticut, in the Senate, "inquiring into the expediency of suspending the sales of public lands." From this apparently harmless resolution the debate branched off in every direction, embracing, within its range, the great fundamental principles of our government. Prominent among them was the relation of the states to the federal government. Upon this question Mr. Hayne delivered himself very fully, taking the position that the fed

eral government was not superior in authority to an individual state, and that his own state had the right to decide, on its own responsibility, a law of Congress to be unconstitutional. This doctrine now received the name of "nullification." Mr. Hayne declared the intention of South Carolina to interpose her protecting power against the federal government whenever the latter should attempt to enforce upon her a law which she deemed unconstitutional. Against the legality of such proceedings upon the part of a state Mr. Webster argued at great length. The supremacy of the federal government he demonstrated to be the one principle which must be unquestioned, if we would preserve our institutions and save the Union. The speeches were "brilliant, comprehensive, and eloquent." The part which Webster took in the discussions rendered him famous, and won for him the title of "Defender of the Constitution."

POCKET VETO.

Congress passed a bill at this session authorizing a government subscription to the stock of the Maysville Turnpike Road, in Kentucky. Believing that Congress had transcended her power in passing such a bill, the President vetoed it. Two days before adjournment Congress passed two other bills similar to this one. The President could retain them by law ten days before affixing his signature. This he did, which virtually amounted to a veto, as the day for adjournment came before the ten days were up. This was afterward referred to as the "pocket veto," and was more than once used by the President afterward. Congress adjourned May 31,

1830.

JACKSON AND CALHOUN.

At his inauguration President Jackson expressed himself Twenty-first Congress, in favor of the one-term principle, Second Session. and afterward recommended a con

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