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ficial view of" the capitularies, or legislative acts of the emperor, "besides being incompatible with the design of this work, could be neither useful nor entertaining." (p. 97.) It is easier, we own, to write such a sentence, than to discuss the detail of civil institutions and the law of tenures. The legislative acts, therefore, instead of being the "sole object" of the work, are not even the "sole object" of this one chapter; he employs a large proportion of this chapter on laws, in giving an account of the manners of the bishops, the introduction of organs and chants, and tithes, and other topics connected with religion, and also furnishes anecdotes of the life of Charlemagne. He has made ample atonement, however, for thus neglecting the sole object" of his work in the chapter exclusively devoted to it, by carefully introducing it at every turn in every other chapter. On the same principle he proceeds in all the five chapters; in his account of the life and reign, he treats the four subjects pretty freely; he discusses manners, and then gives us anecdotes of the life, and particulars of the laws; he discusses literature, and still gives us anecdotes of the life and government; he discusses religion, and still he entertains us with particulars of the life, laws, and the manners. Thus he appears to feel, wherever he is, that there he has no business to be; whatever he touches, that is no part of his plan; and so is he goaded on through all the five compartments of his book, by a painful sense of having something else to do besides that which he is doing. He is far more at his wits end than the unlucky" drawer" in Henry the fourth, being distracted by the perverse requisitions, not of a prince Henry and Poins, but of no less than five imperious claimants, to wit, the life of Charlemagne, the religion, the laws, the literature, and the manners. He doubtless designed to pay each distinct and satisfactory attention; we reverence method as much as Mr. C.; and therefore cannot but lament that perplexity of head which has defeated his laudable intentions. We will just give a proof how solicitous he is to prehis plan, and how much in vain. At the very outset he is aware that Charlemagne had a father and grandfather; he ventures therefore to say, (p. 2) that "Charles Martel and Pepin greatly signalized themselves against the Saracens ;" says nothing more of them, not one syllable of their acquisition of the power which their successor obtained by inheritance, till he has vindicated the claim of this successor. to the title of Great; and after doing this, proceeded to give some account of his childhood. In the 4th page, Mr. C. is again reminded of the Carlovingian line, but resists the temptation pro hac vice, saying," it is foreign to his purpose -to repeat all the obligations of the see of Rome" to this family. He repeats none; the mayors of the palace again depart ; after a

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period of eight pages, they again appear; and we have then the grief to behold Mr. Card's shameful fall; he forgets his past convictions, and is betrayed into a declaration, (p. 13) which before was foreign to his purpose, that the see of Rome was under obligations to Charles and Pepin for drawing their swords in its defence, and upholding its liberty and independence." Strong symptoms of this wayward and perverse solicitude, will be observed in the following extract; in which Mr. C. appears apprehensive, that it is a little out of order to introduce one anecdote of the wrathful temper of Charlemagne immediately after another anecdote of the same stamp, especially, we suppose, as it is in the first chapter, relating to the life of that prince, and not in that appropriated to religion or to literature.

The discriminating reader will not perhaps consider it as interrupting the course of the narrative, to insert the transaction in this place, although it is a part of his conduct, which may admit of some extenuation, but never can be quoted even by his warmest panegyrists, as a proof either of the goodness of his heart or of his judgment. The architect of the Abbey la Grace, having erected a mill for his own use in an adjoining brook, the monks conceived that the mill had been built with the profits arising from the construction of the abbey, and upon the death of the architect, the abbot seized upon the mill., When Charlemagne signified his commands to the monks to restore the property to his widow, they professed to think," that it was departing from the strict line of their spiritual duty to regard in that particular the injunctions of their royal benefactor; and the abbot took the fatal step of giving him a formal refusal in person. This unexpected proof of ingratitude so exasperated the emperor, that he instantly drew his sword, and pierced him to the heart. pp. 12, 13.

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This anecdote, Mr. C. seems to think, is not the most proper to be quoted in proof of wisdom or goodness of heart, We are inclined to think so too; and are now reminded of another particularity in Mr. C. which deserves notice. He would not have been qualified to write biography, if he had not felt a strong disposition to palliate his hero's failings; it seems to have cost him some effort, to speak out in terms of censure even on this occasion; and there are many other instances in which the testimonies against the virtue of this ambitious, lewd, incestuous, and cruel prince are admitted by him, with the most charitable scrupulosity and reluctance. We cannot enter into an examination of the emperor's talents as a sovereign; we reckon him an energetic prince, rather than a profound statesman; and should think it easy to prove that Montesquieu's excessive applause originated in a partial view of his regulations. Mr. Card takes a much wider survey of his edicts, and is constrained to confess them, in many in

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stances, useless and absurd; he urges most pertinaciously, however, that the emperor was a very great man, continually applauding where he should condemn, and extolling with rapture what he should have recorded in silence; the reader shall judge.

As the most effectual expedient, (says Mr. C.) for enabling all classes of his subjects not only to hear but to comprehend the revealed word of the Almighty, it was the express command of this great prince, whose conceptions and views as a legislator, so infinitely surpassed the age in which he lived, that if a bishop was absent from, or ill in his diocese, another person should be substituted in his room to preach on Sundays and holy festivals, and Likewise to read certain portions of the scriptures.' p. 107.

• We must applaud the wisdom and humanity of the emperor which induced him to declare that marriages should not be contracted between persons of too unequal an age.' p. 111.

The price of corn was taxed, and the emperor erected magazines for the supply of his pe ple. This act, however contrary to the ideas of mo dern times respecting the freedom of commerce, was followed by another, which atones in some degree for the injustice and severity of the former, namely, that of having the corn distributed to the poor at half the fixed price! He likewise prohibited an advanced sum being put upon victuals during the times of scarcity, and the price not only of them but of cloths was constantly taxed ' pp. 188, 189.

We must now conclude with a few remarks on Mr. Card's style, and turn of thought, Of the latter, we are afraid our readers have already formed an unchangeable opinion. We will try the effect however of another specimen.

Princes are in general, most unfortunately for mankind, less ambitious of praise than of power, and few of them can be accused of lavishing their dominions upon other sovereigns, without being compelled by the strong arm of necessity, or prompted by some great and immediate advantage to themselves, or their descendants. pp. 62, 63.

The style is the most incorrect, and quaint, that ever affected to be fine; we do not allude to the faults in grammar, as they may possibly, like a vast number of mis-spellings, be chargeable on the printer; we only refer to such constructions and phrases as these.

Pope Adrian, whom Charlemagne both honoured and revered in his life-time, and whose death was wept by his royal muse, was now no more; but his successor, Leo the third, governed, perhaps, more by self-interest, than by affection to his person, felt equally disposed to promote his favourite wishes. By his elevation to the papal chair, he had been preferred to the nephew of Adrian, and for this deep and irreparable offence, he was nearly sacrificed to the severity of his vengeance.' pp. 66, 67.

As the sole object of this expedition was to make Charlemagne experience the full force of their hatred, they would still have marked their Course with blood, if he had not rapidly transported his person from Spain

to stop their desolations. The two armies encountered each other in the battle of Bucholt, and after a long struggle, the king of the Franks stood on all sides victorious.' P. 30.

To punish these revolters, and effectually to awe them into a lasting submission, his barbarous policy sentenced, in one day, four thousand and five hundred of their heads to be severed from their bodies.' p. 32.

The last sentence would perhaps be more explicit, if read thus" barbarous policy sentenced, in one day, four thousand and five hundred of their heads to be severed from four thou sand and five hundred of their bodies;" the " lasting submission" cannot be mended.

This performance. however, miserably defective and deformed as it is, poor in sentiment, scanty in details, and unauthenticated with references, may yet be useful to general readers as a more copious assemblage of facts in the life of Charlemagne, than our language before possessed. The author introduces much that is evidently fabulous, or of very ques tionable authority; but in all such cases, he gives the reader fair warning. Of this doubtful kind is the well known story of Eginhard and the Princess Einma; a similar one is told, as Freher observes, of the Emperor Henry III. The following anecdote shall close our strictures; if Charlemagne's objurgatory moral had been as clumsy and pointless as Mr. C. represents, it would doubtless have been" consigned," long ago, to the shelf of oblivion." (p. 166.)

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The emperor himself commonly wore the simplest attire, except upon occasions of great pomp and splendour. In his doublet of otter's skin, put over his woollen tunic, and his sash of a blue colour, he was scarcely to be distinguished from the meanest of his subjects. One morning, having perceived his courtiers decked out in their most costly habiliments, he proposed that they should immediately take the exercise of hunting. His invitation, or rather command, admitted of no refusal, for small is the distinction between these words, when they fall from the lips of a monarch, He appeared in a cloak of sheep's skin, tied negligently across his shoulders, and which afforded him a good covering during a heavy fall of snow, that, most opportunely to his wishes, happened while they were attending him in this recreation. But their silks were torn by the brambles and spoiled by the snow. When the chace was finished, benumbed with cold, and anxious to repair the damage done to their dresses, they begged leave to withdraw. The malicious monarch foresaw and prevented their intentions, by pressing them to follow his example, and dry their clothes before a great fire, which he had ready for that purpose. Although highly delighted with their embarrassment, he affected not to perceive the effects of the fire in drying their dresses, and shrivelling them into the most uncouth shapes. In dismissing them from his presence, he said, "To-morrow we will take our revenge, and in the same habits."

When they appeared the following day in their torn and disfigured: garments, they furnished a most ridiculous spectacle to the whole court. The emperor, after having rallied them on their absurdity, at last exclaim

ed, "Fools that ye are, now perceive the difference betwixt your luxury and my simplicity! My dress covers and defends me, and when worn out is of no consequence; whilst your rich attires, liable to be spoiled by the least accident, almost amount, in value, to a large treasure."

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pp. 191

Art. XI. A Faithful Narrative of the surprising Work of God, in the Conversion of many Hundred Souls, in Northampton and the neighbouring Towns and Villages of New Hampshire, in New England; in a Letter to the Reverend Dr. Benjamin Colman, of Boston. Written by. the Rev. Mr. Edwards, Minister of Northampton, on Nov. 6, 1736. Published, with a large Preface, by Dr. Watts and Dr Guyse; and re-published, with a recommendatory Advertisement. By the Rev. J. Fawcett, A. M. and the Rev. W. Steadman, 12mo. pp. 135. Price 1s. 6d. Button, Crosby and Co. 1808.

ANY fact, so remarkable as that described by the excellent

Mr. Jonathan Edwards, in this Tract, (first printed more than seventy years since, and for some time scarce), would deserve to be recorded as a phenomenon in the moral history of man, even if it had not the additional claim of belonging to the history of religion. In a district of New Hampshire, and especially in the Town where Mr. Edwards resided as minister, an extraordinary energy of religious conviction suddenly affected the minds of great numbers of people, of all characters and ages, and extended so rapidly, that in a short time the greater proportion of the population appears to have felt its inAuence. No public calamity, nor any other remarkable event had preceded, which could be considered as in any measure the cause, In a way, altogether independent of any known circumstances of time or place, an inexpressible alarm and anxiety, respecting eternal interests, banished instantly all amusements and trifling conversations, awakened a penitential grief, amounting, in many instances, to anguish and horror, on account of guilt, excited an almost universal and incessant spirit of prayer, and issued eventually, as to a great number of the subjects of the influence, in feelings of high felicity, and in a permanent moral excellence of character.

Without introducing, except in two or three instances, any individual examples, the writer gives many descriptions of the various modes in which different persons, or classes of persons, were affected, many of which are perfectly analogous to the emotions usually and necessarily felt in the transition from being thoughtless or wicked, to the state of being deyout and conscientious; a transition sometimes realised in individuals among ourselves, and effected in so speedy and so very decided a manner, as to evince, in spite of all that laugh and all that cavil, the intervention of a special divine agency. The writer testifies, that, in the greatest number of instances, the extraor

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