Mr TIERNEY, argued that the Princesses, who had been bred up in the most affectionate manner, would not be desirous of forming separate establishments, and inquired why the Princess of Wales, who represented the Queen, as much as the Prince Regent did the King of these realms. had not a more suitable establishment. He was averse to these piece-meal applications, and observed, that the grants of this ses sion to the civil list, already amounted to L. 1,532,000.

Messrs W. Smith, Freemantle, Bonnet, and Ponsonby, were against the grant.

Messrs Whitbread, Barham, and Tierney, pressed to know the reason why, at a time when grants were proposed to the minor branches of the Royal Family, no suitable provision was made for one so near to the throne as the Princess of Wales. Did the Right Hon. Gentleman (Mr Perceval) sanction the separation? (cry of no! no! from the Ministerial benches.) Did he, at the time he acted as her counsel, at the investigation of her conduct, see any thing which could lead him to infer guilt? Did he not know and proclaim her to have risen without the least imputation from that inquiry? Was he willing to state the nature of the evidence that was taken, and which he caused to be printed for circulating most extensively both here and on the Continent, for the purpose of annoying an illustrious personage. This book was afterwards suppressed, and the copies which had got abroad purchased, out of what fund was not known, at an immense expence; the holders of some copies having received from L. 500 to L. 2000 each.

Messrs C. Adams, Lockhart, Ellison, and Courtney, severally censured this interference in family matters, as highly indelicate and unparliamentary: it would tend to widen any existing breach, and was only introduced by a side-wind.

Mr PERCEVAL said, that neither from what had come to his knowledge, in his character as counsel to her Royal Highness, or in the situation he at present held, could he recollect any thing which it was possible to bring as a charge against the Princess of Wales. He did not feel himself bound to give any further explanation. If the House were desirous of increasing the annuity of her Royal Highness, he would communicate their opinion to the Prince Regent. The resolution was then agreed to without a division.

Wednesday, March 25.

Lord CASTLEREAGH moved the grant of L.400,000 to his Sicilian Majesty, which,

after some observations from Sir J. Newport, and others, was agreed to.,

Mr WHARTON moved various grants for the miscellaneous services of the year, which were agreed to, and among which were the following:

For the Caledonian Canal L. 50,000 0 O For Roads and Bridges in

the Highlands of Scot

land..

For military roads in North Britain...............

20,000 0 O

5894 18 4

Thursday, March 26.

A bill for subjecting mail coaches to toll, was read a first time, and, after some rou tine business, the House adjourned to the 7th April.

Contraband articles are the only proper ty which a neutral flag does not cover; and arms and warlike stores alone are contraband.

All visiting of a neutral vessel by an armed ship can be made by a small number of men only, the armed ship keeping without cannon shot.

Every neutral ship may trade from an enemy's port to an enemy's port, and from an enemy's port to a neutral one.

The only ports excepted are those really blockaded; and ports really blockaded are those invested, besieged, likely to be taken, and into which a merchantman could not enter without danger.

Such are the obligations of belligerents towards neutral powers; such are the reciprocal rights of either party; such are the maxims consecrated by those treaties which form the public right of nations. Frequently has England dared to attempt substituting in their place arbitrary and tyrannical regulations. Her unjust pretensions were repelled by all governments sensible to the voice of honour, and the interests of their subjects. She constantly found herself forced to acknowledge in her treaties the principles she wished to destroy; and when the peace of Amiens was violated, the maritime legislation still remained upon its ancient basis.

By a series of events, the English marine became more numerous than all the force of the other maritime powers. England then thought the moment was arrived when, having nothing to fear, she might dare to do every thing; she immediately resolved to subject the navigation of all seas to the same laws as those of the Thames.

It was in 1806 she began the execution of that system, which tended to bend the common law of nations before the orders of Council, and the regulations of the London Admiralty.

The declaration of the 16th of May annihilated by one single word the rights of all maritime states-placed under an interdict vast coasts and whole empires.From this moment England no longer acknowledged any neutrals upon the seas.

The decrees of 1807 imposed upon eve ry vessel the obligation of touching at an English port, whatever her destination might be, to pay a tribute to England, and submit her cargo to the tarifs of the

Customs.

By the declaration of 1805, all naviga, tion had been interdicted to neutrals, by the decree of 1807, the power of navigat

ing was restored to them; but they could use it only for the common utility of Eng. lish commerce, in the combination of its interests and its people.

The English Government thus tore of the mask with which it had covered its projects-proclaimed the universal dominion of the seas,-regarded all nations as tributaries, and imposed upon the Continent the expences of the war which it maintained against it.

'I hese unheard of measures excited a ge neral indignation among the powers who preserved the sentiments of their indepen dence and their rights; but in London they raised the national pride to the highest pitch; they held out to the English people a future prospect, rich in the most brilliant hopes. Their commerce, their industry, were henceforth to be without opposition; the produce of the two worlds was to flow into their ports-pay homage to the maritime and commercial sovereign of England, by paying tribute-and afterwards to other nations, loaded with the enormous expences from which English merchandizes alone would be free.

Your Majesty, at a single glance, perceived the evils with which the Continent was threatened. You instantly applied the remedy. You annihilated by your decrees this pompous, unjust attack upon the independence of every state and the rights of all nations.

The Berlin decree answered the declaration of 1806. The blockade of the British islands was opposed to the imaginary blockade established by England. The Milan decree answered the orders of 1807; it declared denationalise every neutral ves sel that submitted to English legislation, either by touching at a British port, or paying a tribute to England, and which thus renounced the independence and rights of its flag. All merchandise proceeding either from British commerce or industry, was blockaded in the Britannic islands; the continental system banished them from the Continent.

Never did any act of reprisals attain its object in a more prompt, certain, and victorious manner. The Berlin and Milan decrees turned against England the arms she had directed against universal com merce. That source of commercial prosperity which she believed so abundant, became a source of calamities to British commerce in place of those tributes which were to have enriched the treasury, her credit was deteriorated, hurting the fortune of the State and that of individuals.

As

As soon as your Majesty's decrees appeared, all the Continent foresaw that such would be their result if they received full execution; but, however accustomed Europe was to see success crown your enterprizes, she could scarcely conceive by what new prodigies your Majesty would realize the great designs which have been so rapidly accomplished. Your Majesty armed yourself with all your power; nothing could divert you from your intention Holland, the Hanseatic towns, the coasts that unite the Zuyderzee to the Baltic Sea, were united to France, and subjected to the same administration and same regula tions, the immediate and inevitable consequence of the legislation of the English Government. No kind of considerations could balance in the mind of your Majesty the first interest of your empire.

You did not wait long to reap the advan tage of this important resolution. In fifteen months, that is to say, since the Senatus Consultum of reunion, your Majes ty's decrees have weighed with all their force upon England. She flattered herself with invading the commerce of the entire world; and her commerce, become speculation, does nothing but by means of 200,000 licences, delivered each year. Forced to obey the law of necessity, she thus renounces her act of navigation, the principal foundation of her power. She pretended to the universal dominion of the seas; and navigation is interdicted, her vessels shut out from all the continental ports. She wished to enrich her treasury by the tributes which Europe would pay; and Europe has not only freed itself from her unjust pretensions, but from the tributes it would have paid her industry. Her manufacturing towns are become deserts; distress has succeeded a prosperity hitherto increasing; an alarming disappear ance of money, and the absolute want of employment, daily disturb the public tran quillity. Such have been to England the consequences of her imprudent attempts She already perceives, and will daily more and more discover, that there is no salvation for her but in a return to justice, and to the principle of the rights of nations; and that she can only participate in the benefit of the neutrality of ports, inasmuch as she allows neutrals to benefit by the neutrality of their flag. But till the British orders of Council are rescinded, and the principles of the treaty of Utrecht towards neutrals are again in full vigour, the Berlin and Milan decrees will remain against those Powers who allow their flag

to be denationalised. The ports of the Continent shall not be open either to denationalised flags or British merchandise.

It must not be dissembled, that to maintain in full vigour this grand system, it will be necessary that your Majesty employ all the powerful means which belong to your empire; and find in your subjects that as sistance which you have never yet in vain demanded of them. It is necessary that all the disposable French forces should march to whatever places where the English or denationalised flag attempted to land. A spécial array charged exclusively of guarding our vast extent of coasts, our maritime arsenals, and the triple range of fortresses which cover our frontiers, will answer to your Majesty for the safety of the territory confided to their valour and fidelity. You will send to their fortunate destiny those brave men accustomed to fight and conquer under the eyes of your Majesty,— to defend the political rights, and exterior safety of the empire. The depots even of the corps will not be turned from the useful destination of supporting your active armies. The forces of your Majesty will thus always be maintained upon the most formidable footing, and the French territory protected by an establishment which interest dictates; the policy and dignity of the empire will be placed in such a situa tion, as to entitle it more than ever to deserve the title of inviolable and sacred.

For a considerable time the English Government has proclaimed everlasting war; a frightful project, which the wildest ambition would never really have intended,' and which a presumptuous boasting alone allowed to escape-a frightful project which will nevertheless be realized, if France is only to expect engagements without guarantee, of uncertain duration, and more disastrous than war itself.

Peace, Sire, which in the midst of your immense power has been so often offered to your enemies, will crown your glorious works, if England, banished from the Continent, with perseverance, and separated from all the states whose independence she has violated, consent to return to those principles upon which European society is founded acknowledges the laws of nations, and respects the sacred rights consecrated by the treaty of Utrecht.

In the mean time, the French nation must remain armed; honour commands it : the interest, the rights, the independence of the people, engaged in the same cause. demands it; and an oracle still more certain, often delivered even from the mouth

of

of your Majesty, constitutes it an imperious and sacred law.

REPORT OF THE MINISTER OF WAR TO HIS

MAJESTY THE EMPEROR AND KING.

SIRE, The greatest part of your Majes. ty's troops had been called without our territory, for the defence of the grand interests which are to ensure the preponder. ance of the empire, and maintain the Berlin and Milan decrees, so fatal to England. The Continental system has scarcely been 15 months in execution, and England is already at the last gasp. Had not events happened, which your Majesty could not have expected, perhaps, in this short period of time, the prosperity of England would have been entirely annihilated; and convulsions would have been experienced in her interior, which would have finally thrown into discredit the war faction, and called to the administration, moderate men and friends of justice.

No person understands better than your Majesty, to expect from time what time is to produce, and to maintain, with unchangeable constancy, a system and plan of conduct from which you have calculated the results which are infallible.

During the absence of the greater part of our troops of the line, the immense number of maritime establishments, strong places, and important 'points of the empire, are guarded by the fifth battalions and the depots, and by the marine troops; which is attended with the inconvenience of diverting, by incessant marches and countermarches, the fifth battalions and depots from their proper destination, which are to supply the active armies. These marches fatigue the soldier and embarrass the administration. Besides, when such numerous armies are seen without the frontiers, the citizens who do not understand the measures taken by the administration for the interior establishments, may feel some justifiable uneasiness; these inquietudes are of themselves contrary to the dignity of the empire; these must be prevented from increasing, by the estab lishment of a constitutional force, for the defence of the territory alone.

By our constitutional laws, the national guard is especially charged with guarding the frontiers, our maritime establishments, our arsenals, and strong places; but the national guard, which embraces the whole of the citizens, cannot be placed on permanent duty, but only for a local and par. ticular service.

April 1812:

In dividing the national guard into three bands, and in composing the first of all the conscripts of the six last classes, viz. from the age of 20 to 26 years, who have not been called upon to join the active army; the second, of men from 26 to 40 years; and the third, of men from 40 to 60 years of age; to the first band the active service will be confided; then the second and third bands will only have the reserve service, which is quite local.

For 1812, the first band, comprehending the conscripts from 1806 to 1812, who have not been called to the army, and who have not since married, and are in a con

dition for service, will form a resource for 600,000 men.

I propose to your Majesty to raise from this number 100 cohorts, which will constitute the fifth part of those who remain of the classes of 1806, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, and 12. These men should be organized and clothed at the chief place of each military division.

Those cohorts, composed of 8 companies, 6 of which are to be fuzileers, one artillery, and one a depot, will contain nearly one thousand men each. Your Majesty would thus have 100 cohorts or battalions,

who, constantly under arms, and united in brigades and divisions under order of chiefs of the line staff, would offer a chosen army, and might be compared to the ancient French grenadiers. These troops, constantly encamped, and by reason of their service abundantly supplied with every thing, would suffer few losses by war.

By this means our strong places on the Rhine, our establishments at the Helder, upon the Meuse, the Scheldt, at Boulogne, Cherbourg, Brest, L'Orient, Rochfort, Toulon, and Genoa, would be guarded by a combination of such force, that in five days 30,000 men could be collected at any particular point of the coast attacked; and in less than ten days, considering the speedy means which your Majesty has established in urgent circumstances, from 60 to 80,000 men of the first band, the marine troops, the departmental guards, and of the fifth battalions, all of which would march to the point menaced, and could form a junc- tion, independent of the assistance afforded by the 2d and 3d bands of the neighbouring departments.

I do not propose the establishment of any cavalry; the gens d'armes alone, forming a force of 16,000 chosen men, will furnish sufficient cavalry for the attacks against which we have to guard.

Nevertheless,

Nevertheless, while this institution will completely protect the French empire against the idea of an attack, all the depots and fifth battalions, being no longer occupied in forming garrisons or defending the country, will feed the active army with more activity and efficacy. This will in reality be equivalent to an augmentation of the troops of the line. It is placing 100,000 more Frenchmen under the ban ners of your Majesty. But these men will be renewed every six years, by the conscription for the army. This augmentation will cause very little addition to the losses, because these troops will be seldom exposed but to the ordinary chances of mortality. It will likewise cause an increase in expence of 48 millions; but this expence cannot be placed in competition with the immense advantages which will result from it.

This institution is eminently conservative and national: it is useful and necessary Frenchmen are willing to make every sacrifice to acquire the liberty of the seas; they know that they must be armed, or this grand measure will not be accomplish

ed.

SITTING OF MARCH 13.

The Senate having met at noon, Count Lacepede, in the name of the Special Commission, appointed in the sitting of the 10th, presented the following report upon the projects of the Senatus Consultum

"SENATORS-Your Special Commission has examined, with all the attention the importance of the subject demanded, the Senatus Consultum project, relative to the organization of the national guard of the empire, as well as the levy of 100 cohorts from the 1st band of the national guards, and has with care compared the different dispositions with the reasons which have been stated to you.

"This project is divided under two titles. The first offers one of those important insti tutions which will signalize one of the most illustrious of reigns; the second puts in motion part of that force established by the first; one is the ground of action, the other the consequence and application of it.

"Let us, before all, examine the first: -It separates into three bands the national guard of the empire; it points out the Frenchmen who, according to the difference of their age, must belong to one or other of these three bands; it determines the nature of the services which their coun.

try and sovereign have a right to expect

from them.

"And now, what is the national guard of the empire? The nation armed. And what nation but that which extends from the banks of the Baltic Sea to these beyond the Tiber; and whose ancient renown every day acquires fresh eclat by its successful and new associations, and by the immortal glory of him who governs it?

"This nation had not received different successive laws, but particular organiza. tions only. It is going to receive a grand political law, a general organization.

"And what a wonderful change is this profound conception of the Emperor going to produce! Order was established at his command, among the immense number of Frenchmen, whose very zeal and bravery, not regulated by his foresight, would have led to confusion and disorder. That admirable and regular motion is the result ing with the fruits of his genius, the proof the high wisdom of him, who, combinduce of experience, carries his views into future ages, to give durability to all the monuments he erects.

"But what is the grand and principal effect of this new institution? The safety of the interior, and public security. Hith erto the safety of the interior of empires was provided for by armies, who became offensive or defensive according to the cir cumstances of the war and the chances of success. But the security was neither entire nor durable. The fear of a reverse weakened it; bad success might annihilate it; and what a situation was that people in, whose comforts and labours were every moment interrupted by anxiety and fear ?

"Let us refer to history, and we shall see how frequently weak governments could only satisfy their subjects by impru dently pointing out the number of their troops, their military dispositions, and their political arrangements; and been surd dispositions of their forces, to the ri obliged to give way, by dangerous and abdiculous ideas which the want of security suggested, joined to false notions respect. ing the true elements of a good defence.

"The project of the Senatus Consultum, which is presented to you, Senators, prevents for ever all these misfortunes.

"When, should even all the active armies quit the frontiers, and proceed to an immense distance to hurl the imperial thunder, the immensé inclosure of the em pire would present numerous defenders, which could be replaced by still more numerous defenders; and the French empire,

COR.