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vate charitable societies, as in some degree counteracting the intentions of the legislature, with respect to the mode in which the wants of the poor are to be provided for. Besides, the example of the county of Oxford has shewn that, by properly directing the industry of the poor, they have been enabled to support themselves, under circumstances apparently the most adverse to such a result.

However, if it is more agreeable, that the present mode of assisting the poor shall be continued, I shall submit; nay I will go the length of recommending a charitable establishment under the deno..ination of the Society for the relief of the sober Poor, and I propose, that it shall be a preliminary step on the admission of applicants for this charity, that they make affidavit, or give some other satisfactory evi

AM an old woman, a widow, with out any other income than the produce of a pension, granted me (at the time of my husband's death, on account of his meritorious professional services), liable to the deduction of public burthens of various kinds, to the amount of about sixteen per cent. And this income is becoming every day more limited, owing to the progressive decrease in the value of money, while the wants occasioned by encreasing infirmities, accompanied by old age, are becoming greater and more urgent every day; yet I cannot resist the calls that are, especially of late, frequently made on me, in behalf of the poor, which, I now find, form a most serious tax on the lit-'ence, that they have not drank tle I have to live upon. To day I am asked charity for the industrious poor; to morrow it will be for the destitute sick; next day, for the Asylum for the blind; the Lunatic Asylum; the Magdalen Asylum, and twenty other such charities, of which I can hardly recollect the names. These charities are enforced by most animated representations, and exhortations from the

two wine glass fulls of spirits in any
one day for the last six months,
previous to their application to par-
take of the benefits of this charity.-
To such an establishment, I will
cherfully contribute my mite.
I am, Sir, your humble servant.
MARTHA MEANWELL.

May 1,

1812.

of the City.

pulpit, as well as by the private On the Means of preserving the Peace applications of individuals, furnished with certificates by the established Clergy. Nay, the other day, Mr Editor, the Clergyman of the parish in which I live, who, in pub

lic, as well as in private, declaims

against the Play house, called to ask me to take tickets for a Play, that was to be acted for the benefit of the Poor house of our Parish!!!

Now, Mr Editor, I always thought that the poor had a legal claim to be supported by the parish they belong to; and if so, I cannot help considering these pri

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SIR,

TO THE EDITOR.

Ting for the honour of their

O all who entertain a just feel

country or even for their own se-
curity, the late disorderly proceed-
ings in the city, could not fail to
inspire the deepest regret. In fact,
proceedings so highly atrocious
and aggravated have not occurred
since the municipality was
blished. To see the city for sever-

esta

al

On the Means of preserving the Peace of the City. 361

a

al hours in the possession of a parcel of ruffians-to notice the police instituted for the defence of its inhabitants, set at total defiance; and authority of every kind disre garded and, for the time, almost annihilated, were circumstances which excited melancholy reflections with every friend to good From order and government. what I have learned, the riot in 1736, which ended in the execution of Captain Porteous, was trifling affair when compared to the one under consideration. In that business the mob troubled no one except the unhappy culprit: but retired in peace to their respective homes the moment their vengeance was glutted. Not so in the last night of the past year, or more properly speaking, in the morning of that day which ushered in the present one; as the savages who then roamed through the streets attacked every one, whether friend or foe, whether male or female, that came within their reach; whilst little opposition was given to their lawless proceedings, except by a few silly police officers, who have long been regarded as unable to preserve the peace of the city, even when far less endangered than at the period in question,

Here, Sir, allow me to remark upon various steps which those in office might have taken to suppress these disturbances. By some it has been alleged that the volunteer drums should have beat to arms without a moment's delay; by which measure, it is presumed, peace would have been restored in half an hour. By others it has been stated that if the magistrates did not choose to resort to the volunteer force, the cavalry from the barracks, or one of the Castle regiments might have been called out; against whom no effectual resistance would have been offered. May 1812,

Though all these things may be
very true, I am disposed to give
credit to those in office for en-
deavouring to suppress the riot by
the mere exertion of the peace offi-
cers, especially as they could not
on the spur of the moment possibly
know of the alarming height to
which it had arisen; yet I cannot
but observe that a degree of le-
niency, which some people may
consider as inexcusable, is too
often shown to all mobs except
those of a political complexion.
We have an instance of what I am
maintaining in the conduct of the
magistrates of Nottingham, which
I suspect will be a subject for re-
pentance afterwards; and were I
disposed to go back for a dozen of
years, I might cite the behaviour
of some former magistrates who
calmly witnessed the plundering of
the meal carts in 1800, without
showing any marked disapproba-
tion of that illegal proceeding. On
the other hand I might quote some
instances of prompt interference to
silence mobs of a different com-
plexion, were I not sensible that
what I allude to must be well re-
membered by all who take an interest
in the public welfare.

The morning of the new year
has long been ushered in with fes-
the metropolis: and
tivity in the
though at least the shaking of hands,
and other demonstrations of joy
then exhibited, could only be re-
garded by every considerate person
as foolish customs, yet so long as
they were harmless, those in power
had no reason to interfere with or
stop the congratulations of the
multitude. The scene, however,
being now changed, the magi-
strates are called by every princi-
ple of duty to prohibit such assem-
blages upon the streets in future,
seeing that dear bought experience
has abundantly proved to what mis-
chievous purposes they may be

converted

converted. But, how shall we account for the lamentable change which seems of late to have taken place in the disposition of the people of this country; or to what cause shall we ascribe the prevalence of riots, thefts, robberies and murders, more than occurred in former times? These difficult questions some people are disposed to solve by a reference to the encreased military force of the country, whereby one man in six, at least, is trained to habits of dissipation; whilst others contend that the great influx of foreigners into this country, whether in the character of refugees or prisoners, must gradually contaminate and debase the purity of Scottish blood, and consequent ly occasion a relaxation in the moral conduct of the great body of the people. Leaving these matters to the investigation of moralists, I may only add on this head, that few doubts can be entertained concerning the alarming charge which of late has taken place in the disposition and habits of the people of Scotland, especially in towns, where immorality of every kind seems daily on the increase,

I must now be allowed to urge some things respecting the measures which prudence directs to be adopted for preserving the peace of this great city in future. In the first place it strikes me, that several guard-houses should be established in different quarters of the city: perhaps the number ought not to be less than ten, in each of which fifty soldiers might be stationed, but under the command of a head constable, to whose orders implicit obedience was to be paid. A force of this kind would at once quell any ordinary riot; and upon a particular occasion, say the last night of the year, it might be strengthened by superior numbers. Besides, were these guard-houses erected in open

situations, to which access might be easily procured, every person in sulted or injured would know at once where to fly for refuge and support-a circumstance which cannot possibly happen in an effectual way under the exercise of the existing system.

In the second place, steady and active watchmen should patrole the streets; but here I must protest against the present mode of watching, knowing little that it can produce except disturbing the repose of the peaceable inhabitants. Watchmen, to be useful, ought to go in a body -never fewer than three in one company, as what good can one man do when opposed by a party of drunken rioters. Nay more, watchmen, like soldiers, should be subjected to severe punishment, whenever they quit their post, that is, leave the street committed to their superintendence; and were guard-houses erected, such as I have already recommended, it would be almost impossible that any but a momentary disturbance could ever arise; as if the watchmen were unable to suppress it, assistance from the guardhouse might be immediately procured.

In the third place, as it is always better to prevent than to correct either moral or political evils, I am induced to suggest that the magistrates would do incalculable good to the public, were a stricter cognizance taken of those numerous disorderly houses, where the young are initiated into vice, whilst those of a riper age are led into expences which prompt them to commit every crime injurious to society. It is not, by apprehending at particular times a number of the unfortunate women who walk our streets, that the evils alluded to can be lessened or eradicated. No, these street-walkers are the refuse of the pestilential herd who destroy public morals, and go

to the streets, not because they are worse than their neighbours, but merely because they are without an opportunity of doing mischief in other places. Magistrates ought therefore to begin at the fountain head, and resolve in the most decided terms not to license a single house, known to be the resort of the profligate, or in which disorderly conduct is suffered, either directly or indirectly. To go these lengths they are warranted by law; and in every case where good morals and revenue came in contact, I enter tain a higher opinion of their wisdom, than to suppose that the latter will be preferred at the expence of the former. Good morals are the strength of every nation; and from the moment they are forsaken and renounced, may be dated the ruin or at least the decline of public prosperity, as is woefully demonstrated by the annals of every country, with which we are acquainted.

LUCIUS.

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has already been explained, that the leaders of the democratic party in America have obtained possession of the government, by choosing that set of principles, which was most acceptable to the ruder and. less refined part of the community; and it is proper to add, that they owe their ascendancy also, in some degree, to the superiority which, in one respect, they have always ma→ nifested over their political opponents to their greater activity and zeal in propagating the principles, and advancing the interests, of their party.

It might have been inferred a priori, from the difference between the materials of which the two par→ ties are composed, that their conduct would be marked by the difference, which is here alluded to. The leading federalists are gentlemen of fortune, talents, and educa tion, the natural rulers of the country. The leaders of the democratic party, on the other hand, are, for the most part, what may be turers, who follow politics as a procalled politicians of fortune; adven fession. With them politics are a primary, with the federalists, they are rather a secondary consideration. The democrates, being in general men of inferior birth and breeding to the federalists, can more easily mix with the rabble, and affect, in their dress and manners, practise the tribunitian arts. They beian order, and condescend to a to regard themselves as of the ple familiarity of intercourse with the vulgar, from which gentlemen would revolt. They practise, in short, with greater activity and perseverance than the federalists, all the means by which the interests of their party can be advanced. These means, as being curious in them selves, and totally different from any thing that is known in this

country,

country, are not unworthy of explanation.

It is in the great towns that these means are employed with the great est activity, and attended with the most complete success; and a statement of what is done in New York will furnish a good specimen of what is done throughout the union, This city, which contains about 80,000 inhabitants, is divided into ten wards, each of which has an alderman and officers of its own. This division has been made chiefly for the convenience of elections; which, in a country where suffrage is universal, and party spirit runs so high, could not be conducted on the same plan as in England, without being the source of tumults and bloodshed. On occasion of elec. tions, each ward has its own poll, where the votes are given in on written tickets. The federalists and republicans of each ward hold occasionally separate meetings, in which they discuss the state of public affairs, and the present condition of their respective parties. On great occasions, general meetings of all the federalists and all the republicans in the city are separately called by their respective leaders. These general meetings, which are often very numerous, are addressed in an animated harangue by some orator, who moves a string of resolutions, that have been previously concerted. The resolutions are adopted by acclamation, and published in all the newspapers. During my stay in the country, (which happened to be at the time of the embargo, in the year 1808 and 1809,) the standing topics of declamation, at the federal meetings, were the errors and misconduct of their own government in respect to the two belligerent powers, and the incalculable mischief the country was suffering from the mal-administration of its rulers. The

democratic assemblies were chiefly entertained with the abuse of England, whose atrocious conduct, it was alleged, had rendered necessary all the restraints, which the government had seen fit to impose on the commerce of their country. On certain great festivals, particularly on the 4th of July, the anniversary of the declaration of American independence, an oration is delivered in one of the churches, to which all parties are invited. The avowed object of this meeting is to keep alive, in the minds of the people, the love of independence, and the memory of the great exploits by which it was achieved; but its real purpose is, to rake up the animosities of the revolutionary war, and to perpetuate that antipathy to England, which the leaders of the democratic party find it for their interest to cherish. It is attended accordingly by few but those in the democratic interest.

In almost all the arts, by which a political party can be benefited, the democrates or republicans are an overmatch for their adversaries Previous to elections, they exert themselves with indefatigable zeal to secure a majority; nor are they scrupulous about the means, provided the end be attained. Dissimulation, misrepresentation, and falsehood, are alternately made use of. The press, which, in this country, is the guardian of freedom, in America, is the instrument of faction. Newspapers are there multiplied to an extent unknown in any other country. The avidity for news creates a demand for them among all classes of the community; and the general diffusion of opulence enables all ranks to gratify this inclination. In the city of New York alone, which is not more populous than that of Edinburgh, there are published eight or nine daily papers. The most violent of these vehicles

of

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