ness of his Noble Friend's statement, that the negociation for a new Administration had failed through misconception. In the document submitted to him, it was distinctly stated, that the Prince Regent had signified his Royal pleasure as to the persons who should fill particular offices. individuals were expressly named, and the places they should occupy, as Members of the Cabinet, pointed out.

Four

Earl Moira regretted the absence of a Noble Lord (Wellesley), but repeated, that misconception had occasioned the failure of the negociation, which might be removed, and adding, that if any delay had arisen, it was from an earnest desire to obtain assistance from a source most adequate and not unwilling to afford it.

Earl Grey said, he understood that the Noble Lord persisted in maintaining that the proposal came to himself and his Noble Friend (Lord Grenville,) perfectly uncircumscribed and unfettered by previous stipulations: it was right that he should stand clear in the opinions of their Lordships: he would read the first paragraph of the document commuricated to him, which would shew the caror his Noble Friend laboured under :--" That his Royal Highness the Prince Regent has signified his pleasure that Lord Wellesley should conduct the formation of a Government in all its branches, and should be First Commissioner of the Treasury, and that Lord Moira, Lord Erskine, and Mr Canning should be Members of the Cabinet.-That it was probable that a Cabinet formed on an enlarged basis, must be composed of twelve or thirteen Members; that the Prince Regent wished Lords Grey and Grenville, on the part of their friends, to recommend for his Royal Highness's approbation the names of four persons, if the Cabinet should consist of twelve, and of five persons, if it should consist of thirteen Members, to be appointed by his Royal Highness the Prince Regent, to fill such situations as might hereafter be arranged; that his Royal Highness the Prince Regent left the selection of the names to Lords Grey and Grenville, without any instruction or personal exclusion; that in completing the arrangements, the Prince Regent has granted to Lord Wellesley the entire liberty to propose the names of any persons presently holding places in his Royal Highness's Councils, or any other persons."-Earl Grey concluded by saying that he afterwards received a letter from Lord Wellesley, who stated that neither himself nor Lord Moira had authority to depart from the written instructions, nor to make any explanation deemed necessary.

Earl Moira confessed the passage just

read struck his understanding in a different point of view. In regard to the nomination of individuals for scats in the Cabinet, it was to be understood to be a mere statement of a wish on the part of the illustrious personage who administered the power to the Noble Marquis, and it was naturally be lieved that the nanes introduced would be acceptable to the Noble Lords. He had put one construction upon the paper and his Noble Friends another; but although his efforts had failed, yet (looking towards Lords Grey and Grenville,) even at that moment his hopes of conciliation and union were not cxtinct.

Lord Erskine declared that he regarded the proposal in the same light as Lords Grey and Grenville, and that their accep tance of office upon such terms would have deprived them of the power of acting cou scientiously.

Marquis Douglas had never any hopes that the Noble Marquis (Wellesley,) whose political opinions were so opposite to those of his Noble Friends, would be able to effect that union of parties and sentiments which it was so desirable to procure.

The Duke of Athol deprecated further discussion, and declared his willingness to support any set of men whose views were patriotic, and directed to the salvation of the country. After a few words from Lords Boringdon and Eldon, the discussion here terminated.

Monday, June 8.

Lord Liverpool acquainted the House, that the Prince Regent had this day appointed him first commissioner of the treasary, and that the vacant offices would be filled up as soon as possible.

Lord Moira stated that he, but unfortunately without success, endeavoured to form an administration founded on the basis of those great political principles upon which, he was persuaded, the prosperity and best interests of the country depended. The noble lords near him (Grenville and Grey) had met his proposals in a spirit of frankness, and with an anxious desire to promote the best interests of the nation; and he had only to regret, that their view of their duty had not permitted them to come to that arrangement which he had so much at heart. After the efforts made by the Prince Regent to satisfy the wishes of Parliament and the country, he should feel it his duty to support any body of men whom his Royal Highness might choose to appoint, as far as was consistent with those great political principles which he had always maintained.

The Duke of Norfolk expressed his surprise that after the House of Commons had,

by their address, declared the inefficiency of Lord Liverpool's administration, the reins of government were still to be held by the same set of men.

Lord Liverpool observed, that the noble duke had not given a correct account of the proceedings in the other House. The address was, to request his Royal Highness to form a strong and efficient Administration. He and his colleagues were unwilling to be a bar to any thing that might be satisfactory to the Prince and the country; but after what had passed he should have thought it a breach of public duty, if he had declined the office this day conferred upon him.

Marquis Wellesley said, that in the late negociations, he had been met with frankness and candour by all parties, except the Noble Lords opposite, (looking towards the ministerial bench) and their friends. He was ready to enter into the details, but thought it would be more convenient to ap point a special day for that purpose. He did not mean to charge the Noble Lords opposite (Liverpool and Harrowby) with any thing criminal or dishonourable; he only meant to state the fact that in his mind, the Noble Lords and their friends, had been the only obstacles to the formation of an efficient Administration. He called upon the Noble Earl (Moira) near him to say, whether he did not make every exertion to fulfil the wishes of the country. His object had been, to form an union of men agreeing in the most prominent principles of policy, leaving minor points for future discussion and arrangement.

Lord Harrowby warmly observed, that when such a heavy charge was brought against him and his friends, it was not fit that the discussion of it should be postponed to a future day. He inquired what he meant by the charge of “ personal animosity," and if he intended to take advantage of the apology made for him by a Noble Baron, that it was thrown out loosely and incidentally in the course of his speech. He called for an explanation upon this point.

Marquis Wellesley commented upon the lefty tone which the Noble Lord assum ed, as if he had declined to come to the proof. In using the expressions, "dreadful personal animosity" on a former day, he had done so advisedly, and he had even thought that the Noble Lords avowed the fact. He would now enter into particulars, and state his grounds for thinking so. On his being vested with powers for forming an Administration, it had been the object of himself and his Hon. Friend, (Mr Canning) to accertain the agreement of men of all parties in certain leading principles, which,

thould constitute the basis of the Administration. These were, first, that the laws relative to the Catholics should be taken into immediate consideration, with a view to conciliatory measures. Secondly, that the war in the Peninsula should be pro-ecuted on a scale of adequate vigour.-He transmitted these propositions to different parties. The answer he received from Lords Grenville and Grey was, that in such a moment as the present, they were ready to enter with the utmost frankness into the consideration of what arrangement could be formed, so as best to meet the exigencies of the crisis; and that no personal feeling should prevent their affording every facility to the accomplishment of the great object in view. The same proposition had been made to the Noble Lords opposite, (Liverpool and Harrowby) and the answer was, that he (Lord Liverpool) had consulted his colleagues, and that they did not think it necessary to consider the principles stated in the proposition, as they were all resolved not to be Members of any Administration formed by Lord Wellesley. Another Noble Lord, having stated the strong repugnance to have Lord Wellesley at the head of the administration, thought it enough to refer to the answer of Lord Liverpool, as it was not necessary to enter farther into the discussion of a matter of personal feeling. Their Lordships would now judge whether he had not sufficient grounds both for his opinion and his conduct.

Lord Harrowby protested against the charge of personal animosity, and appealed to the recent motives made to the Noble Marquis to show that no such feeling was entertained. He then warmly adverted to the partial publication of the correspondence between the Marquis and Lord Liverpool, and to the statement of the Marquis's opin ions published after Mr Perceval's death.

Marquis Wellesly observed, that the whole of the Noble Lord's speech proved the existence of a feeling which rendered the task confided to him abortive, though after the explanation given he was not at liberty to call it personal arimosity. With regard to the publication of the statement alluded to, the Noble Lord ought not to have presumed to say that it had taken place by his authority. The Noble Marquis then gave a detail of the circumstances under which he resigned; from which it appeared, that, though he had been requested to continue in office, until the expiry of the restrictions, Mr Perceval, in the interval, thrice clan. destinely applied to the Prince Regent to have him superseded. Of this numerly conduct he complained to the Lord Chancellor, who was allowed to state the conver◄

sation to Mr Perceval; but he declined it, as he (Lord Wellesley) was leaving office, and it could serve no other purpose than to irritate unnecessarily. His opinions on the subject had been freely and openly given; they were taken down by his friends, for their own information, just as they were delivered in the warmth and freedom of conversation. He had been applied to for leave to publish the statement in question. To this he had always given a positive refusal. He was horror-struck when he saw it in print, and peculiarly at the moment in which it appeared, and would have given any money to have suppressed it; but he had the satisfaction of knowing, that it had been some days in the hands of Mr Perceval previous to his death. He lamented as much as any man, the severe loss which the country, and his friends, had felt in the death of one, whose blameless life, whose purity of character, and whose fall in the service of his country, threw around his memory something of the splendour and sanctity of a martyr. But all this did not make it necessary that he (Lord Wellesley) should acknowledge him to have been possessed of that power and frame of mind which mark out a man for the conduct of great public concerns. It could be no insult to any man, to say that he was not qualified for the high situations of a state. The Noble Lord opposite (Lord Liverpool) was doubtless honourable and meritorious: but he could not bring himself at present, at least, to allow that he was the best possible First Lord of the Treasury. The Noble Lords it appeared, were surprised that he should have alluded to differences of opinion in the cabinet. They reminded him of a story of a councillor in India, who was supposed never to be in earnest till he flung an inkstand at the head of the governor-general. He (Lord Wellesley) knew instances enough where they had differed pretty stoutly; but if he got among them again, he would amend his error on that point.-(Laughing.) -The publication of the sort of correspondence that had passed between him and Lord Liverpool was, he conceived, a matter of course; and if there was any ground for complaint as to a partial publication, he thought he had the least right to complain.

Lord Grey said, that it appeared to him and his noble friend (Grenville) that all the attempts, as it was called, to make an Administration, had been merely attempts to introduce him and his friends into a government, where their well-known principles and opinions would, almost to a certainty, have been over-ruled; a situation to which be never could submit, To the Noble

Lords (Wellesley and Moira) he attributed none but the most fair and honourable motives, but he was convinced that there was a secret management of which they

were not aware.

Lord Moira said, he was not content to be paid off by a general compliment to his honour, at the expence of his understanding. There never was any reservation, or hint of reservation, in the powers which he had received to form an Administration.

Lord Grey said, there were delicate points on which he wished for an explanation frem authority, and Lord Wellesley had distinctly said that he wished to explain on authority but that that authority was denied to him. To Lord Moira he suggested a particular difficulty, upon which it did not appear that his Lordship had made any communication to the Prince Regent. All those circume stances taken together had produced an impression upon his mind, which he was unable to remove, that he had correctly stated the spirit in which the proposal was originally made. The Noble Lord could not be angry with him for having such an impression.

Lord Moira said, that if he had felt any degree of warmth, it was totally removed by what had been said by the Noble Lord in explanation. As to the subject alluded to, he thought that it would not only be indecent to his Royal Highness to make this the first part of the negociation, but that it would also be seriously injurious to the country to dispose of that question in the manner which the Noble Lord would sug gest. Being commissioned to form an unfettered Administration, he felt it his duty to resist the suggestions of the Noble Lord on this point.

Lord Grenville said, that when the documents and proofs should be before the House, he should lay in his claim to explain the whole of his conduct upon the occasion. He should now merely affirm, that no differences on his part arose at all from personal considerations, but from constitutional principles, which he considered of the first importance to the country.

The

dwelt particularly on the extensive powers given to the parties nominated to carry the provisions of the bill into execution. increased expence formed a considerable ground of complaint. By the act at present în existence, and of which two years were yet unexpired, a salary of £.500 per annum was granted to a Chief Judge of Police, who was also Sheriff. Of course his claim could only be, under that act, for the sum of 1000. But, by the present bill, a salary of £.300 per ann. for 10 years, making a total of £.3000, was secured to him. He the more objected to this, because some time since the Sheriff's applied to their Lordships for pecuniary assistance, on the ground of the variety and importance of their duties, and assistance was granted. Now, he could not conceive how a person, Silling the situation of Sheriff, could properly execute at the same time, the complicated duties of Judge of Police. His Lordship concluded by moving, as an amendment, That the bill be read a third time this day

three weeks."

The Duke of Athol opposed the motion. The insufficiency of the police of Edinburgh, finder the present act, rendered the measure now before their Lordships, which went to give security to the lives and properties of his Majesty's subjects, peculiarly necessary. The riots which, in the beginning of the present year, disgraced the city of Edinburgh, arose in a great measure, from the laxity of the present system.

The Earl of Lauderdale thought that some parts of the measure savoured very much of a job. For his own part he did not understand the necessity of making a provision of £.300 per annum for a person, (the Chief Judge of Police,) who, on the Noble Duke's own shewing, had so conducted the police system, under the existing act, as to have really fomented the disturbances which gave rise to the present bill.

Earl Morton observed, that the Judge of Police was a most respectable character. He had been a writer in Edinburgh, but had given up his business, which could not now be recalled, for the purpose of taking the situation; it was, therefore, nothing more than just, that he should receive a remuneration for the loss of his professional advantages.

The Duke of Athol did not mean to say, that any blame whatever attached to the Chief Judge of Police; he was considered a man of ability; the fault was not in his conduct, but was radical in the system on which the act was founded.

After a few words from the Duke of Athol, the Marquis of Douglas, the Earl of Lauderdale, and the Lord Chancellor, the

House divided on the amendment Contents, 2-Non-Contents, 12.-Majority, 10.

The bill was then read a third time and passed.

Wednesday, June 17.

On the third reading of the Scots Local Mi❤ litia Bill, the Marquis of Douglas rose, and moved an amendinent; the principal effect of which seemed to be, taking away the the Exchequer on the County Lieutenan present controuling power of the Barons of cies, with respect to the remuneration, allowances to be given, &c.---Lord Melville defended the bill; which, on a division, was carried by a majority of 12 against 9.

Thursday June 18.

The Marquis of Lansdowne having addressed several questions to the Ministerial bench, respecting the intended alteration in the system of the Orders in Council,

Lord Bathurst said, that as Ministers did not think the enemy's decrees were really repealed, they did not feel themselves authorised to advise the repeal of the Orders in Council; but it was thought that so much of them might be repealed as related to America, on her withdrawing her hostile and restrictive acts against this country. This was to be done, on conditions. regularly ascertained, as, that America should cancel her hostile acts; that the freedom of trade should be restored in its former shape and that British ships of war should be received into American waters and ports as those of friendly nations.-The Orders in Council were, on those terms, to be suspended with regard to America :-to be revived, however, if America should not accede u the terms proposed; or in case of any farther arrangement on the part of France and America, which acted against the interests of this country. He had said thus much from his wish to give every information in discussion would be when the instrument his power; but the proper time for such to be issued was on the table; and till then he should beg leave to reserve a fuller expression of his opinions.

william, and Holland, censured the policy Lords Grey, Stanhope, Lauderdale, Fitä» now disclosed as utterly unworthy the dig nity of a great empire, and contended, that the most proper course would have been to revoke the Orders at once, by which the repeal of the Non-importation Act would have been imperative upon the American government.

Friday, June 19.

The Duke of Athol inquired whether certain papers lying on the table respecting the late negociations for forming a new Minis

try, were genuine or not; and Lord Moira was about to reply, when Lord Ellenborough moved the standing order against strangers, and the doors of the House were in consequence shut.

Wednesday, June 24.

Earl Fitzwilliam rose to say, that in consequence of the declaration issued by Ministers, (see page 468,) he did not think it necessary to press upon the House any further proceeding on the subject of the orders in Council. He had only to congratulate the House and the country, that Ministers had now seen and renounced the errors of their former policy.

The Earl of Liverpool, speaking for his colleagues and himself, denied that, by the declaration in question, they had admitted any errors in their former policy for them to renounce. He contended that the orders in Council had been advantageous; and said they were only now abandoned in consequence of the change of circumstances which had taken place. In case a proper arrangement could not be made with France, or with America, Government had it still in its option to revive these orders, if that should be found expedient.

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

Friday, May 16.

Lord Clive moved a resolution for erecting a monument to the memory of Mr Perçeval, in Westminster Abbey. The motion was seconded by Admiral Harvey, and supported by Mr Fuller, Lord Castlereagh, Mr Canning, Mr Lockhart, Sir C. Burnel, Lord Dysart, and Mr Wilberforce, and opposed by Mr Lambe, Mr Whitbread, Sir G. Warrender, Mr Wynne, Lord Milton, and Mr Elliot. On a division it was carried by 199, to 26.

The House having gone into a Committee on Mr Summer's resolution respecting Mr Perceval's family, Mr Huskisson, without any preface, moved as an amendment to the resolution," that the Committee were of opinion, that the Prince Regent should be enabled to grant to the eldest son of Mr Perceval the sum of £.1000 per ann. from the day of his father's death, during the lifetime of his mother, and that at her decease he should have the yearly sum of £.2000."

The amendment was agreed to without a division.

Thursday, May 21.

Mr Stewart Wortley called the attention of the House to the arrangements now

making for the formation of a Ministry, which he, in his conscience, believed no man in the House, or the country, thought efficient; and which, instead of being calculated to lead us through our difficulties and dangers, was far more likely to plunge us still more deeply into them. He was anxious to do this thus early, as all the offices of government were not yet filled up, and there was still time to offer the advice of the House to his Royal Highness the Prince Regent. He had been one of the steadiest friends of Mr Perceval's Administration; but he considered those whom he had left behind wholly unfit, by themselves, to conduct public affairs. He had always voted against the Catholic question; but now he was of opinion that all opposition against it was vain. His motion involved no one; he had consulted with none on the subject, and did not even now know whether it would be seconded. He then moved, "That an humble address be presented to his Royal Highness the Prince Regent, praying him to take such measures as would enable him, under the present circumstances of the country, to form a strong and efficient Administration."

Lord Milton seconded the motion..

Sir F. Burdett took a review of the vari ous Administrations which the country had for a series of years, and contended that a complete change of system was necessary. He should, on this ground, propose an amendment upon the original motion before the House. The Speaker informed the Honourable Baronet, that it could not at this moment be regularly moved. He said he was perfectly aware of that, but still he might put the House in possession of the substance of it, which was, that the Prince should form an Administration which would apply the national resources to national objects; extend the benefits of the constitution to all classes of the community without distinction; adopt conciliatory measures towards the people, and restore to the country the advantage of a free representation.

Mr Wilberforce, Lord Walpole, Mr Herbert (of Kerry), Mr Rider, and Lord Castlereagh, opposed the motion, which was sup ported by Mr Ward, Mr Canning, Sir J. Newport, and Mr Martin, of Galway.The House then divided--For Mr Wortley's motion, 174-Against it, 170.-Majority against Ministers, 4.