pleased to return the following most gracious

answer:

“GENTLEMEN:-I shall take into my most serious and immediate consideration, the address which has just been presented to me from the House of Commons."

Lord Castlereagh, in answer to a question from Mr Brougham, said, that a communication had recently been made to his Majesty's Ministers, of a French decree, purporting to have been issued so far back as April, 1811, declaring the Berlin and Milan decrees revoked with respect to America.— This was obviously produced for a sinister purpose, as up to a very late date, the American government had been unable to procure from the French government any official revocation of the decrees in question. -The decree, however, did not justify his Majesty's declaration upon the subject of the orders in Council, which required a general and unconditional repeal of the Berlin and Milan decrees. He could not imagine that the cruelties practised by France towards American vessels would make the less impression upon that country, for so palpable a juggle as this was.

Monday, June 1.

Mr Canning said, that as a motion had been already made by one Gentleman (Mr Wortley) and another was intended on Wednesday, (by Mr Martin,) he thought it proper to inform the House, that he was enabled to state from the authority of his Noble Friend, (Lord Wellesley,) that he had an audience this morning of his R. H. the Prince Regent, at which he had received a power to form immediately a new Govern

ment.

Mr Wortley, after stating that the late delay had excited much discontent in the country, and that it was attributed by a certain class of political writers to a wrangle for power, wished to ask two questions of a Rt. Hon. Gentleman.

After some conversation, the objections to the question being overruled, Mr Wortley inquired of Mr Ponsonby, whether any proposals, before that morning, had been made to his friends, for becoming part of an Administration, to which they had given a refusal either on personal grounds, or any other grounds whatever?-Mr Ponsonby answered in the negative.-Mr Wortley, then inquired whether any thing that had passed had gone so far as to make it possible for them to insist upon any conditions, on their becoming part of an Administration ?-Mr Ponsonby replied, that as no proposals were made, of course matters did not go so far, as to enable his friends to insist on conditions.

In a Committee of Ways and Means, a resolution for one million and an half to be raised by annuity, for the service of Ireland, was voted.

The Perceval Family Provision bill was read a third time and passed.

Tuesday, June 2.

Mr Martin wished to know from Sir J Newport, in the absence of Mr Ponsonby, Whether any application, up to the present moment, had been made to him, or any of his friends, to accept of any office in the new administration?

Sir J. Newport assured the Honourable Gentleman, that he had no more means than any other member of that House, of giving an answer to the Honourable Gentleman's question.

Lord Cochrane presented a petition from an inhabitant of Stafford, named Batty, stating that 50 guineas had been given by a freeman of that town to Mr Mansel Philips, a member of the House, to obtain his discharge from the navy, and that neither the discharge was obtained nor the money returned. The petitioner therefore prayed the House for relief. Ordered to lie on the tables

Wednesday, June 3.

Mr Canning informed the House, that the Marquis Wellesley had failed in his endeavours to form an Administration, and had resigned his trust to the Regent.Mr C. deprecated any discussion, or the taking any steps which might produce irritation.

Mr Martin, of Galway, whose motion stood for to-night, declined bringing it forward, on this suggestion; but wished to ask a question of Mr Ponsonby, similar to those asked by Mr Wortley on Monday. Mr Calcraft and Mr Barham objected to this, as irregular, and calculated to produce the effect which the House desired to avoid; and Mr Martin, in compliance with the sense of the House, desisted.

Friday, June 5.

Gen. Gascoigne gave notice, that on the first day the House should meet, he would move an address to the Prince Regent.He then read the address, the substance of which was, to impress on his Royal Highness the absolute necessity of forming a new Administration, as the hopes encoura, ged by his gracious answer had been disappointed. They had heard of obstacles, but not sufficient to enable them to offer their advice, and calling on his Royal Highness to exercise his undoubted prerogative to chuse his Ministers, and assuring him of the

the support of the House to the Ministry so formed.

Monday, June 8.

Lord Castlereagh acquainted the House, that a Noble Earl (Moira) had that morning resigned the authority committed to him, and that Lord Liverpool had accepted the office of First Lord of the Treasury, and had received commands to proceed to the formation of an Administration. Under these circumstances, he trusted that the discussion of two such important and vital questions, as those relating to the Catholics and to the Orders in Council, would be deJayed till the Government was fully established.

Wednesday, June 10.

Mr Vansittart, the new Chancellor of the Exchequer, took the oaths and his seat.

In answer to a question by Mr Spencer Stanhope, whether it was the intention of the present Ministry to pursue exactly the same line of policy as had been adopted under the Administration of a late Right Hon. Gentleman?-Lord Castlereagh answered, That in general their sentiments remained the same; but, on account of the increasing change of opinion on the subject of the Catholic claims, it had been resolved upon, that, in all future discussion of the subject, it should be left free from all interference of the government.

Thursday, June 11.

Mr Wortley, after alluding to the negocitations for forming an Administration, the failure of which he attributed to the delay that had taken place during the first ten days, said, that the application made to Lords Grey and Grenville could lead to nothing but disunion; he censured the conduct of those Noble Lords for refusing Lord Moira's propositions, and thus losing the opportunity of carrying the great political measures for which they had been so long contending, because the appointment to offices in the Household were not given up to them as a preliminary measure. By this line of conduct, they perpetuated the jealousies of which they complained. He concluded, by moving an Address to the Prince Regent, expressive of regret that he had not beeu able to follow up his gracious intention, and expressing an earnest hope that he would avail himself of every opportunity which offered for forming a more extended Administration.

Lord Folkstone, after descanting upon the dangers and distresses of the country, moved an amendment to the proposed address, to the effect that the House regretted that the address of the 21st of May had failed in its effects; that they saw with regret,

the government intrusted to the same hands who had been voted incompetent; that it was the duty of the Honse to impress on the mind of the Regent, the new and unexampled dangers and difficulties of the country, as to its taxes, commerce, finances, paper-currency, &c. and hoping that his Roy al Highness would appoint such persons to administer the government as would reform abuses, and economize the resources of the country."

Lord Milton thought that the House could not in duty to their constituents, nor in honour to their own character upon the score of consistency, acquiesce in the resumption of office by a set of men whom they had voted incompetent. Feeling, therefore, that something more was required than the address moved by Mr Wortley, he would move an amendment, expressing "the regret of the House, that the hopes raised, by the gracious answer of the Prince, for the formation of an efficient Administration, were not yet realized; stating that the House would support zealously such measures as should seem calculated to promote prosperity at home or abroad; but, consistently with their duty to their country, they must still in treat, that his Royal Highness would proceed to the formation of such a Government as might meet the expectations of the na tion."

Mr G. Vansittart adverted to the appoint ment of an Administration in 1804, and contended, that the interference of the Commons upon the present occasion, would be attended with the most dangerous consequences, since the effect would be to change a limited monarchy into a turbulent democracy.

Lord Yarmouth declared, that it was the intention of himself and all the officers of the Household to resign the situations which they at present held, previous to the new Administration entering upon office. This intention of theirs was well known: they took every means of stating it in quarters from whence it had any likelihood of reaching the ears of the parties interested, and, in particular, they communicated it to a Rt. Hon. Gentleman who took an active part in the negociation. They wished to have no connection with the Opposition, and in resigning, were induced to save the Regent from the humiliation of turning them out of office.

Mr Ponsonby declared that no such cir cumstance as the intention of the Noble Lord and his friends to resign, was over communicated to any Rt. Hon. Gentleman, in the course of the negociation in which he bore a part. The Hon. Gentleman then entered into a review of the whole proceedings,

doubting

doubting the sincerity with which it was carried on-contending that the ordinary forms had been departed from, that his noble friends (Lords Grey and Grenville) never had been sent for, nor honoured with admission to the Prince Regent-that there was, in fact, nothing like confidence on the part of the Crown, a request for an interview, made through Lord Moira, not having been granted.

Mr Tighe described the Ministry, now at the head of the country, as the relic of a relic of Mr Pitt's Administration-the rump of another rump! He was sorry to find that the Hon. Gentleman, whose address had been carried on a former day, came down this day with a weaker one, calculated only to throw cold water on the former address. It was not from a want of ability that the country had not been well governed, but from the existence of a secret oligarchy.

Mr Grattan said, that the crime of refusing place was not one of which there was danger of finding too many examples. He defended Lords Grey and Grenville's refusal to accept of office, in the persuasion that, if they left the Household unaltered, they would find it another cabinet.

Mr W. Elliott remarked, that Lords Grey and Grenville had been denied any explanation respecting the Household, it was their duty not to divest themselves of their constitutional authority over the department of the Household, or recognise and sanction the principle of dividing the powers of Government, and of setting those powers against each other. On the question of the Regency, enough had been said of the importance of securing the influence of the Household in behalf of Government. if it *was then mighty in the support of Government, must it not be equally formidable when arrayed against it; and, in conjunction with another Household, waging war against the responsible advisers of the Crown. Catholic concession, and a repeal of the orders in Council, would have been the basis of the new Administration, which was debarred only from interfering with the Household, and they now saw these two principles surrendered for the purpose of maintaining the Household. He concluded, after further remarks, by observing, that it was singular that the Government of England should, avowedly, have no opinion upon the Catholic question, which involved the destiny of four millions of people.

Mr Canning, after doing justice to the motives of the Hon. Gentleman (Ponsonby) and his friends, said he was convinced that no Administration could be formed from the late negociations, but by surrendering all July 1812.

power into their hands. After detailing the particulars of the attempts to form an Administration by Lords Wellesley and Moira, he said, that, after the latter had returned his commission to the Prince, he still feared that he might have been wrong in his ap prehension of the powers conferred upon him, as far as they related to the House, hold; he solicited therefore and obtained an audience of his Royal Highness, when he asked him, "Sir, is your Royal Highness prepared, on my advice, and supposing the public exigency demands it, to part with the whole of your Household ?" The reply

was,

"I am."" Then," rejoined his Lordship, "not one of them shall be dismissed." (Loud cries of Hear! from all sides.) He concluded with declaring that, in his belief, Lord Moira had not advised the retention of the present Ministers; and suggested that the Address should be withdrawn.

Mr Tierney thought, that when a question was asked by Lords Grey and Grenville respecting the Household, Earl Moira, instead of objecting to it, should have laid the minutes of the conversation before the Prince Regent, and taken his commands. He thought the course adopted by the Noble Earl highly theatrical. Had he reported the answer of the Prince Regent, every difficulty would have been removed, and a most unfortunate misunderstanding prevented. For his own part, he did not believe that a Noble Lord (Yarmouth) and his friends had the most distant idea of resigning, and he was confirmed in this opinion, by the reply of a Right Hon. Gentleman, (Sheridan,) who, when asked respecting it, answered, "I will bet 500 guineas no such thing was ever in contemplation." He denied, therefore, that his Noble Friends broke off the negociation; it was not their act, but that of Lord Moira. After some short remarks upon the constitution of the present Cabinet, and placing in a ridiculous light the liberty each member had to avow his own opinions on the Catholic question, Mr Tierney concluded by saying, that as the principal difficulty had been removed, he did not see why the negociations might not be resumed, and the present Ministers, whose animation had been suspended for three weeks, put under water again.

Lord Castlereagh said, that his objection to acting with Lord Wellesley was on account of a most unseasonable publication. He adverted to the new mode of carrying on negociations, when men of high honour could not enter a private room to consult amicably, without being politically pitted against one another, armed with pen and ink, to give birth to controversy that could

only

Mr Wortley said, he would not press for a division on his address, but should vote for the amendment.

Messrs. Cartwright, D. Giddy, Tighe,

in the discussion. The House then divided upon Lord Milton's amendment, which was lost by 269 to 164, Majority for Ministers

125.

AMERICA.

ON the 27th of May, the President of the

United States sent a message to Congress, communicating certain documents relating to the posture of affairs between that country and France, by which it appears that Mr Barlow, the American Minister at Paris, had not been able to procure any indemnification for the American property confiscated in France under the Berlin and Milan decrees: neither, it seems, had a treaty been conclu ded between the two countries.

With regard to the relations of great Britain with America, the President, on the 1st June, sent a confidential message to the House of Representatives, along with some correspondence which had passed beween Mr Foster and Mr Monroe, on which the House sat in deliberation with closed doors for five days, when it was made known that a declaration of war against this country was the result of their debates, the question upon this occasion being decided by a majority of 78 to 49.

This declaration of war, being sent to the Senate, was referred to a Committee of seven, and an adjournment afterwards took place, for the purpose of waiting the result of some correspondence carrying on between Mr Foster and Mr Monroe in this interval, it is to be hoped, that the news of the revocation of the British orders in Coun cil will arrive in America, which will most probably turn the scale entirely in favour of peace.

FRANCE AND RUSSIA,

The differences which have of late subsisted between these two powers, it is now deternined, are to be decided by the sword; and although no decisive battle has yet been fought, the hostile banners of France and Russia, it appears, are flying in cach other's view. The Emperor Napoleon declared war against Alexander on the 22d June, and crossed the Russian frontiers, at the head of his army, on the 25th; treaties of all ince with Prussia and Austria having been pre

viously concluded, by which the latter agrees to assist France with a body of 30,000 men, constantly kept up to the war establishment, together with 60 pieces of artillery. The treaty between Prussia and France, mutually guarantees the integrity of their respective dominions, and agrees to exclude from their ports every neutral vessel which shall submit to the British system of blockade; and although there is no stipulation in the treaty for assisting France with troops, yet, it seems, there is a Prussian corps acting along with the French army in the north.

Through the medium of Paris papers we have received the first three "Bulletins of the Grand Army," which are chiefly filled with details of the movements of the French troops; and, judging from the numbers of officers of distinction employed, we may in fer that the army is more numerous than ever Bonaparte brought into the field on any former occasion. The second Bulletin concludes with the following address of Na poleon to his troops:

"SOLDIERS!The second war of Po land has commenced.The first was brought to a close at Friedland and Tilsit. At Tüsit, Russia swore eternal alliance with France and war with England. She now violates her oaths. She refuses to give any explana. tion of her strange conduct, until the Eagles of France shall have repassed the Rhine, leaving, by such a movement, our Allies at her mercy. Russia is dragged along by a fa tality! Her destinies must be accomplished! Should she then consider us degenerate? Are we no longer to be looked upon as the soldiers of Austerlitz? She offers us the alternative of dishonour or war. The choice cannot admit of hesitation-Let us then march forward! Let us pass the Nie men! Let us carry the war into her terri» tory. The second war of Poland will be as glorious to the French arms as the first! but the peace which we shall conclude will be its own guarantee, and will put an end to the proud and haughty influence which Russia has for 50 years exercised in the af fairs of Europer

"At our Head-quarters at Wilkowski, June 22, 1812.

Authenticated, (Signed) NAPOLEON. "Prince of NEUFCHATEL., Maj-Gen."

The third Bulletin, which is dated from Kowno, brings down the history of the military operations to the 26th of June.

A great proportion of the French army arrived, it appears, on the 23d, within a short distance of the Niemen, and Bonaparte having, in the disguise of a Polish light horseman, inspected its banks, along with an engineer, caused three bridges to be thrown across it, over which three columns were passed, and General Pagel, with one battalion, took possession of the town of Kowno, after driving before him a "cloud of cossacks." On the 24th and 25th, the army was engaged in defiling across the bridges of the Niemen, while Marshal Ney advanced on the other side to Kormelon, and Murat pushed on to Jigmoroui, having driven in the Russian light troops, and covered the plain with his cavalry to within 10 leagues of Wilna, the head-quarters of the Russian army, and present residence of the Emperor Alexander. The Niemen was at the same time passed at Tilsit by the Prussian troops, commanded by Macdonald, while three corps, proceeding by another route, under Jerome, have advanced to Novogorod. The French army, it thus appears, stretch out, in an immense line, extending 150 miles from the coast, and commanding the course of the Niemen. Their rear is protected by a corps under Victor, stationed between the Elbe and the Oder, while the Austrian corps has advanced from Lemberg to Lublin, about 200 miles to the rear of Jerome's corps.

Alexander, in the mean time, has succeeded in making a peace with Turkey, which was concluded on the 28th of May, and by which it is stipulated, that in the event of Russia being attacked by Austria, Turkey shall supply her with 50,000 men.

Of the position or numbers of the Russian armies we know nothing, except from the French accounts, which mention, that Wilna is the head-quarters, being occupied by the Imperial guard, and part of the army. Where the other part is we are not informed, nor have we any means of ascertaining. It is said to be the intention of the Russians to avoid a battle, and to retreat, wasting the country, and thus retarding the march of their enemies; in pursuance of which plan, it is stated in letters from Gottenburgh of the 12th instant, that they are retiring to Riga, and that they have thrown into the sea at Liban, 20,000 barrels of grain.

In addition to the Bulletins, the French journals contain a long diplomatic correspon

dence between the ministers of France and Russia, on the points in dispute between the two countries; and also a copy of some propositions for peace made by Napoleon to Great Britain in the month of April last, with the answer of the British Government. These last documents are quoted at length below.

From the correspondence of the French and Russian ministers, it appears, that the chief ground of the war is the aversion of Russia to the Continental system, to which she was forced to accede after her last unsuccessful struggle with France. Russia, being determined to throw off this badge of dependence, even at the hazard of a new war, declined all explanation, and in place of wasting time in fruitless negociation, proceeded to arm in her defence, insisting, at the same time, that, previous to any discussion, the French troops should be withdrawn from the Prussian territories. These proposals not suiting the policy of France, her vast armies have been poured into the north of Europe, and the questions at issue are now left to the decision of the sword.

CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN THE BRITISH AND FRENCH GOVERNMENTS.

Copy of a letter addressed by the Minister of Foreign Affairs to Lord Castlereagh, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs to his Britannic Majesty.

"Paris, April 17, 1812,

"SIR-His Majesty, constantly actuated by sentiments friendly, to moderation and peace, is pleased again to make a solemn and sincere attempt to put an end to the miseries of war. The awful circumstances in which the world is at present placed, have induced a resolution in the mind of his Majesty, the result of which has been, to authorise me to explain to you, Sir, his views and intentions. Many changes have taken place in Europe for the last ten years, which have been the necessary consequence of the war between France and England, and many more changes will be effected by the same cause. The particular character which the war has assumed, may add to the extent and duration of these results. Exclusive and arbitrary principles cannot be combated but by an opposition without measure or end; and the system of preservation and resistance should have the same character of universality, perseverance, and vigour. The peace of Amiens, if it had been observed, would have prevented much confusion.

"I heartily wish that the experience of the