[This of a Perpetual Parliament, NEW-DARNED, like Sir John's Perpetual Pair of Stockings:-a bad article in itself, whether new or newdarned, if you make it the exclusive one!] And it will always be so when and whensoever a Perpetual Legislative is exercised; where the Legislative and Executive Powers are always the same.-Truly I think the Legislature might almost as well be in the Four Courts of Westminster Hall! If they could make Laws and Judges too, you would have excellent Laws; and the Lawyers would be able to give excellent counsel! And so it was then. This was our condition, without scruple or doubt; and I shall say no more to it. But the offer was made by us with a true and honest spirit; the desire, the entreaty that we might have a Settlement. And there is our "Settlement ;" that is what they propose for a Settlement !

It was desired then, it was offered and desired, that the Parliament would be pleased, either of their own body or of any else, to choose a certain number of men [The Puritan Notables; ah yes!] to settle the Nation: “This," said we, " is unsettlement, that is confusion!" For give me leave, if anybody now have the face to say,-and I would die upon this-[Sentence catching fire]—if any man in England have the impudence [Ah!] or face to say, That the reluctance of the Parliament to dissolve themselves was their fear of hasty throwing of the Liberties of the People of God, and of the Nation, into the hands of a bare Representative of the People,—which was then the business we opposed: if any man have the face to say this now, who did then judge it, 'that last measure of theirs,' and I will say more, ought then to have judged it, to be a cor. founding of the whole Cause we had fought for,-which it was,-I woula look upon that man's face! I would be glad to see such a man!* I do not say there is any such here: but if any such should come to me,—see if I would not look upon him, and tell him he is an hypocrite! I dare say it, and I dare die for it, he is an hypocrite ;'-knowing the spirit that hath been in some men to me. They come and tell me, They do

* A dangerous spectator, your Highness, with that thundery countenance of yours!-His Highness's anger is exceedingly clear; but the cause of it, in this intricate sentence, much more in the distracted coagulum of jargon which the Original here offers, is by no means so clear. On intense inspection, he discovers himself to be (as above) reproaching certain parties who now affect to regret the Long Parliament, which while it existed they had been sufficiently loud in condemning. You say: "They were afraid to fling the whole Cause into the lottery of a general Parliament:"-They? while we opposed that; and while that was the very thing they at last were recklessly doing! I should like to see the face of a man brazen enough for a story like this!

not like my being Protector. Why do you not ?—"Why, because you will exercise arbitrary government."-Why, what is it you want me to do ?—" Pray, turn those Gentlemen' of the Long Parliament' all in again; then we will like you exceedingly well!"—[Inarticulate interjection; snort or “ Humph!"]—I was a child in swaddling clouts!* I cannot go beyond the Instrument of Government. I cannot do anything but in coördination with the Council. They fear, these objectors," "arbitrary government" by me in that way; but if arbitrary government were restored to be general by reinstatement of the Long Parliament,' then they are not afraid of it! Such things as these are, such hypocrisies as these are, should they enter into the heart of any man that hath truth or honesty in him?— —

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Truly that was our case:-and finding our case to be thus, we did press the Parliament, as I told you, That they would be pleased to select some Worthy Persons who had loved this Cause, and the liberties of England, and the interest of England: and we told them we would acquiesce and lie at their the Worthy Persons' feet; but that to be thrown into Parliaments which should sit perpetually, though but for three years each,' we had experience of that! An experience which may remain to this day, to give satisfaction to honest and sober men!— Why, truly this might have satisfied, this proposal of ours; but it did not. And therefore we did think that it was the greatest of dangers, 'thus' to be overwhelmed, and brought under a slavery by our own consent, and “Iniquity to become a law." And there was our ground we acted upon at that time. And truly they had perfected their Bill for perpetuating of Parliaments to the last Clause [Hear!]; and were resolved to pass it as a Bill in Paper, not even engrossed on Parchment as the wont was,' rather than comply with any expedient. [We then entered upon them; bade them with emphasis, Go about their business ! That's no lie !]-If your own experience add anything to you in this, 'if

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* So tied up with restrictions in that first Instrument; had not the smallest power to do arbitrary government.'

The Throne of iniquity, which frameth mischief by a Law' (Psalm xciv., 20). A fearful state of matters; shadowed forth by old Prophets as the fearfullest of all; but entirely got rid of in these modern days—if Dryasdust and the general course of new Prophecy may be credited, to whom Law is Equity, and the mere want of Law,' with its three readings, and tanned pieces of sheepskin written over in bad English, is Iniquity.-O Dryasdust, thy works in this world are wonderful. Thy notions of this world, thy ideas, what thou namest ideas, perhaps defy all ages, even ages when Witchcraft was believed in, or when human creatures worshipped Leeks, and considered that the Founder of this Universe was one Apis, a sacred Prize-Ox! I begin to be weary of thee.

you ever individually had to do with a Long-Parliament Committee, and know its ways'-in this point," Whether or no, in cases civil and crim inal, if a Parliament assume an absolute power, without any control, to determine the interests of men in property and liberty; whether or no this be desirable in a Nation ?"-if you have any sense [General openness of perception; not exactly our modern word; but a questionable expression, as his Highness immediately sees: any sense."]-as I believe you have, you have more than I, - -'then' I think you will take it for a mercy that that did not befall England at that time! And that is all I will say of it.

Truly I will now come and tell you a story of my own weakness and folly. [The Little Parliament.] And yet it was done in my simplicity, I dare avow it was: and though some of my companions—[“ May dislike my mentioning the story?"-The sentence, in its haste, has no time to END.]—And truly this is a story that should not be recorded, that should not be told, except when good use may be made of it. I say, It was thought then that men of our own judgment, who had fought in the wars, and were all of a piece upon that account; it was thought,' Why surely these men will hit it, and these men will do it to the purpose, whatever can be desired!" And truly we did think, and I did think so, the more blame to me. And such a Company of Men were chosen [The Little Parliament ;-Convention of the Puritan Notables.] and did proceed to action. And truly this was the naked truth, That the issue was not answerable to the simplicity and honesty of the design. [Poor Puritan Notables!]

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What the issue of that Meeting would have been 'seemed questionable,' and was feared: upon which the sober men of that Meeting did withdraw; and came and returned my power as far as they could,—they did actually the greater part of them,-into my hands; professing and beliving that the issue of that Meeting would have been The subversion of your Laws and of all the Liberties of this Nation, the destruction of the Ministers of this Nation; in a word, the confusion of all things. 'Confusion of all things:' To set up, instead of Order, the Judicial Law of Moses, in abrogation of all our administrations; to have had administered the Judicial Law of Moses pro hic et nunc, according to the wisdom of any man that would have interpreted the text this way or that!— And if you do not believe that these Persons, thereupon sent home,' were sent home by the major part of themselves,' who were judicious and sober and learned (the minority being the worser part upon this account), and with my consent a parte post,-you will believe nothing! [Somewhat tart.] For the persons that led in that Meeting were Mr. Feake and his Assemblage in Blackfriars. [We know "Feake," and other

foul chimneys on fire, from of old!—As for "Mr. Squib,” he sits now with Venner and the Fifth-Monarchy, safe locked in the Tower.] Mr. Feake,' Major-General Harrison, and the rest that associated with him at one Mr. Squib's house. There were all the resolutions taken that were acted in that House of Parliament' day by day. And this was so de facto; I know it to be true. And that such must naturally be the product of it I do but appeal to that Book I told you of the other day [" Standard set up."], That all the Magistracy and Ministry is Antichristian, wherefore all these things ought to be abolished. Which we are certain must have been the issue of that Meeting. [A failure, that poor Convention of the Puritan Notables!]

So that you have been delivered, if I think aright, from two evils. The one, a secular evil, which would have swallowed up all religious and civil interest, and brought us under the horridest arbitrariness that ever was exercised in the world: To have had Five or Six hundred "Friends,"* with their friends, 'the Feakes, &c.,' entrusted with the judgment of all causes, and to judge of them without rule; thinking that "the Power which swallowed up all other Lawful Powers in the Nation," hath all the power they ever had, both Legislative and Judiciary! In short, a thing which would have swallowed both the Civil and Religious Interest. And the other evil—[His Highness has already inextricably caudled the two together and here merely gives them another stir.]—merely under a Spiritual In terest, would have swallowed up all again in another extreme,—' no stated Ministry being allowed.' All our Civil and Religious Interest; and had made our Ministry, and all the things we were beholding to God for, of no account! Truly we think we ought to value this Interest above all the interests in the world: but if this latter had not as surely been destroyed as the former, I understand nothing.—

And having told you these two things, 'two Failures in getting Settlement' truly it makes me in love with this Paper; and with all the things in it; and with the additions I have now to tender you thereto; and with Settlement above all things in the world!-Except only' that, where I left you last time; [" The Kingship!" Committee of Ninetynine look alert]-for that, I think, we have debated. [Look dumpish again.] I have heard your mind, and you have heard mine as to that;' I have told you my heart and judgment; and the Lord bring forth His own issue. [His Highness produces the Engrossed Vellum.]

I think we are now to consider, not what we are in regard to our Footing and that of the Government which called this Parliament

• The name of Quakers already budding in 1653,-now, in 1657, budded and blown.

No: our First foolish Parliament spent all their time on that; not you, my wiser Friends.] Our Footing and Government is, till there be an end put to it,—that that hath existence ! [What other definition of it can be given, or need?] And so I shall say nothing to it. If it accomplisheth the end of our Fighting, and all those blessed ends and aims that we should aim at; if it do,-I would we might keep it, and remain where we are. If it do not, I would we might have a better!-Which truly I do come out of myself to tell you, That as to the substance and body of your Instrument, I do look upon it as having things in it,—if I may speak freely and plainly; I may, and we all may!-I say, the things that are provided for in this 'Act of' Government [Handling the Vellum] do secure the Liberties of the People of God so as they never before had them! And he must be a pitiful man who thinks the People of God ever had the like Liberty either de facto or de jure;-de jure from God, I think they have had it from the beginning of the world to this day, and have it still,—but asserted by a jus humanum, I say, they never had it so as they have it now. I think you have provided for the Liberty of the People of God, and for the Liberty' of the Nation. And I say he sings sweetly that sings a song of reconciliation betwixt those two Interests! And it is a pitiful fancy, like wisdom and ignorance, to think they are inconsistent. Certainly they may consist! And, I speak my conscience of this Act of' Government, I think you have made them to consist.

And therefore, I must say, in that, and in other things, you have provided well, that you have. And because I see the Rule of the Parliament, 'your written Order here,' gives you leave to speak with me about the particulars (I judge the Parliament doth think that any Member it has is not to be neglected in offering of anything that may be of additional good),—therefore, I having a little surveyed the Instrument, I have a Paper here to offer you upon that account. [Handles a Paper of his own.] And truly I must needs say and think that, in such a case as this, where so new a work and so strange a work as this is before you, it will not be thought ill [Not at all, your Highness,—only get on!] if I do with a little earnestness press you for some explanations in some things. A few explanations' that may help to complete the business, and leave me--(for it is only handled with me and for my behoof' at this time, not with you and the Parliament whom you represent) :—I say, I would be glad that you might leave me, and all opposers, without excuse; as well as glad that you should settle this Nation to the uttermost advantage for it;-in all the things I have to

Ungrammatical, but unalterable. Means On which hint."