self over the rest of Europe. But so long as that most gross corruption of christianity, the despotic popish church of Spain is suffered to have its sway, it will be impossible for the people to enjoy freedom either civil or religious. National establishments of religion, the joint work of state-craft and priest-craft, are in all countries, in proportion to their authority and influence, dead weights on every species of reformation. There is not a page of ecclesiastical history but proclaims this awful truth. What ever may have been the motives of NAPOLEON, we, without scruple af firm, that the services he has done the world at large, by overturning some, and radically reforming many other corrupt ecclesiastical establishments;-by annihilating religious distinctions in civil society, and introducing a system of toleration in some, and of equality in other churches, he has made some atonement, at least, for those crimes the fruit of his unbounded ambition, of which he stands too justly charged: we have no doubt, that like some of the tyrants of old, he has been the instrument, and will be the instrument in the hand of an over-ruling providence, of producing incalculable advantages to the human race, especially by the advancement of toleration to that throne from which she has been so long banished in almost every country under heaven. Let the ZENOBIOS, with the rest of the owls and the bats of what is called the religious world, flutter, and set up a screeching at the downfal of systems of ecclesiastical despotism; we will as consistent protestants, and as genuine christians, exult in what we rationally

*Those of our readers who have met with some late numbers of that excellent weekly paper, the Examiner, will perceive how much at heart the Count has-eternalwar--for the preservation of the popish church, and the Spanish and Portuguese inquisitions!

and scripturally judge to be the accomplishment of some of the most important and splendid predictions of inspiration; and we know not how any thinking, and impartial inquirer after truth, can, when be holding the actors, the scenery, and the whole of the astonishing drama now performing on the theatre of Europe, help exclaiming-This is the finger of God!

There are certain minutia in the articles of this proposed Spanish constitution so perfectly trifling, that we should have thought it impossible for them to have lodged for a moment in the mind of the author. We allude more particularly to the article of dress, which is proposed for each representative of the nation-"A violet coloured coat, waistcoat " and breeches, of velvet or cloth, "trimmed with gold, white stock"ings, sword and buckles, gilt "though plain."

In answering some of the objections brought against the constitution, we have the following observations on the Freedom of the Press.

"Every Spaniard being authorised by our wise and beneficent government, to communicate his ideas to the public, and having heard various objections to this constitution, I hasten to answer all those which, in my opinion, deserve the greatest freedom, and without any consideration. I express my ideas with intention to offend any one, expecting, no more of it to be adopted than shall be found just and reasonable. I have no other object in view than to he useful to my country. In the hundred and tenth article, I have said, 'Every free man ought to think and express his ideas, consequently the law permits every one to publish freely whatever he thinks fit, subject to a certain responsibility.' As this article must alarm all those who have an interest in concealing the truth, and the number of these being much increased as well as of the timid and ignorant, who believe it contrary to our religion, although I have explained my self to the supreme junta on this subject, which explanation has been candidly received, I hold it proper to add some

from the dominion of a tyrant. The force of nations is regulated by the felicity of the people, and that by the wisdom and justice of the government. The republics of Greece and Rome were powerful and happy while they were just and free. England owes its formidable power only to its liberty, which gave to France, during her revolution, so many victories, and such an asceudancy over other nations; advantages which it would not have gained after it had lost its liberty, if other nations had been more free or more wisely governed. All the evils of society arise from ignorance and error; man is never unjust but when he is timid or ignorant; and he is timid or ignorant only because he is not free; men renouncing the use of their reason, either through fear or ignorance, have been guided, in all their actions, either by caprice or custom, and by governments who have taken care to preserve this ignorance, and profit by it. "When the salvation of a country depends on it, we must speak without disguise. The number of those who are interested in the continuance of abuses is so great, that they will not permit, if they can help it, the injustice and tyranny of the powerful to be brought to light; it requires, therefore, great probity and impartiality in any of these, to assist in removing the abuses which exalt them so much above their fellow citizens. But let us not deceive ourselves; we must apply the remedy, or we cannot be saved. The evils of the nation are many and grievous, and to relieve them we must seek for all possible aid. Let us then get rid of all the obstacles which may impede the diffusion of that light which is requisite to guide us in so arduous an undertaking. Let us not give ear to those timid souls who would make use of no other remedies than those which have been already tried without advantage. Let this be a sufficient motive to us to reject their useless projects, if we seek to improve our condition, and know that all men have a right to seek for relief when they are aggrieved or oppressed, even without having had a wise and solid, liberal and just constitution, which we might now expect, after a year and half of revolution. How could the extravagances and injustice of Charles IV. and the scandalous excesses of his

stupid minister, ever have taken place, had we enjoyed the liberty of the press? How could the arbitrary temper of our

tribunals, the principal enemies of light; how could venality, corruption, and plunder, have arrived at such an enormous height? How could the stupid languor of the nation have been so great? How could any sensible Spaniard, who groans under so many evils, face every danger to shake off a foreign yoke, if he did not hope speedily to remedy those evils which have debased the country to the lowest extremity? Is it possible that, like the Turks, who, at the expence of their blood, daily make revolutions merely to change a sultan, not to recover their liberty, we could forget and delay to remove the abuses which have brought us to a state so deplorable? Let us hasten then to abolish those evils which have sacrificed millions of victims, and which ought to make reason blush. The liberty of the press is not inconsistent with any one precept of the gospel-on the contrary, it is conformable to the spirit of its doctrine. Our divines lay it down as a principle, that there can be no error of the will which does not arise from an error of the understanding. It is so far from opposing true policy, that it is alone capable of breaking the chains which error and tyranny have so long. imposed on human nature. The first act of tyrants to enslave people, is to forbid writing and speaking, and thus make them deceitful and stupid. The just and honest man has no fear of public censure, because he knows it will only bring to light his true merits. It can only alarm the guilty man, the unjust judge, and the despotic governor, whose actions are obscure, and abhor the light. Truth and justice are not afraid to be seen."

The author concludes with va→ rious observations drawn from reason, from some of the ancient Spanish Codes, and from the gospel of Christ, in support of the most important rights of man, political, civil and religious.

Although our Review of this tract has run to a greater length than we intended, we can assure our readers there are many points yet unnoticed which are well deserving their attention: we indeed wish that a copy of the pamphlet were in the hands of every one concerned in the formation of new governments, or the re

formation of old ones. We have, however, to lament, that the excellent advice of the author has been so little attended to by any of the constituted authorities of Spain; and from the circumstance of the author himself being now in London, in stead of being a member of the Cortez or actively employed in his own country; from the trifling nature of the general proceedings of the Cortez as well of the juntas which preceded them;-from the little interest the great bulk of the people have hitherto taken in the contest, there is too much reason to apprehended, that the Spaniards in general consider it as merely involving the interests of the dynasty of the house of BOURBON, or of that of BONAPARTE, neither of which present motives of sufficient strength to call forth the energies of a people whose objects are independence and freedom.

The History of the Rise, Progress, and Accomplishment of the Abolition of the African Slave Trade by the British Parliament. By Thomas Clarkson, M. A. 2 Vols. large 8vo. The history of the Slave Trade is one of the most interesting and important that can employ the pen of the historian. In its rise, progress, and continuance, it exhibits a melancholy display of human depravity, the effect of passions the most sordid and base, long indulged and fostered in the heart become the sink of vice, deceitful above all things and desperately wicked. Happily, however, for our countrymen, the annihilation of this infernal traffick, affords to them a peculiar topic of consolation: one of those numerous crimes for which Britain has rendered herself notorious is at length blotted from the black catalogue; and the friends of justice, humanity, and liberty, may, from this history derive fresh encouragement to persevere in their efforts for the welfare of their fellow creatures, resting as

VOL. IX.

sured, that such efforts will not be finally in vain.

It is scarcely possible to conceive a person better qualified for the task of historian on this occasion than Mr. Clarkson: the greater part of his life has been employed, and his attention been almost wholly occupied, in promoting the grand object at length happily attained: he has been intimately acquainted with all the great performers on the stage, and has witnessed and constantly attended all their different proceed ings: with a clear understanding, and a heart thoroughly devoted to the subject, he has written the very instructive, and entertaining volumes now before us.

With these sentiments of approbation and admiration of this work, we are concerned at meeting with a stumbling block at the outset of our course: We mean the DEDICATION. That the GRENVILLE administration by whom the traffic was abolished should receive its due honours, no one can object to; on the contrary, as the merits of that administration were so few, and its general character has been for some years past on the decline, justice requires that this luminous spot should not be lost sight of or undervalued: that the memory of CHARLES JAMES Fox, "under whose fostering influ

66

ence the great work was begun and "promoted," and who proved the sincerity of his professions in opposition, by reducing them to practise as soon as he was in administration

that the memory of this consistent patriot should be thus held up to the admiration of his countrymen, and to posterity, justice imperiously demanded; but that the memory of WILLIAM PITT, whose sincerity was seldom apparent but in the pursuit of evil, and whose lukewarmness and hypocrisy were generally conspicuous in the pursuit of good-who for a long course of twenty years prefessed himself friendly to the abolition;

F

who could in any one of those years have accomplished the measure, but who never made one serious effort for the purpose:—a statesman on whose head (not to mention any other, of his numerous and aggravated crimes) the guilt of that trade during the period of his long adminis tration principally rests to associate this detestable hypocrite with the sincere friends to the abolition in general, and its powerful, and uniform champion Mr. Fox, in particular; to describe characters, op-posite to each other as light to darkness in the same terms, is such an outrage to truth and consistency, that for the credit of the dedicator, we wish every one who possesses a copy of his work, to annihilate this intolerable blemish by erasing the name of a man, the disgrace of his country, and the scourge of Europe.

But we have, happily, done with the unpleasant part of our labours, and proceed to an account of the work itself. The first chapter consists of introductory reflections on -The evils existing in society almost from the beginning of the world-The power in our nature to counteract them-The evil of the slave trade removed by the influence of christianity, &c. On the last of these topicks we have the following just and excellent reflections.

"It seems to have been reserved for christianity to increase this energy, and to give it the widest possible domain. It was reserved for her, under the same divine influence, to give the best views of the nature, and of the present and future condition of man; to afford the best moral precepts, to communicate the most benign stimulous to the heart, to produce the most blameless conduct, and thus to cut off many of the causes of wretchedness, and to heal it whereever it was found. At her command, wherever she has been duly acknowledged, many of the evils of life have already fled. The prisoner of war is no longer led into the amphitheatre to become a gladiator, and to imbrue his hands in the blood of his fellow captive

for the sport of a thoughtless multitude. The stern priest, cruel through fanaticism and custom, no longer leads his fellow creature to the altar, to sacrifice martyr, courageous through faith and him to fictitious gods. The venerable the sanctity of his life, is no longer hurried to the flames. The haggard witch, poring over her incantations by moonlight, no longer scatters her superstitious poison among her miserable neighbours, nor suffers for her crime.

"But in whatever way christianity may have operated towards the increase of this energy, or towards a diminution of human misery, it has operated in none more powerfully than by the new views, and consequent duties, which it introduced on the subject of charity, or practical benevolence and love. Men in ancient times looked upon their talents, of whatever description, as their own, which they might use or cease to use at their discretion. But the author of our religion was the first who taught that, however in a legal point of view the talent of individuals might belong exclusively to themselves, so that no other person had a right to demand the use of it by force, yet in the christian dispensation they were but the stewards of it for good; that so much was expected from this stewardship, that it was difficult for those who were entrusted with it to enter into his spiritual kingdom; that these had no right to conceal their talent in a napkin; but that they were bound to dispense a portion of it to the relief of their fellow-creatures; and that in proportion to the magnitude of it they were accountable for the extensiveness of its use. He was the first who pronounced the misapplication of it to be a crime, and to be a crime of no ordinary dimensions. He was the first who broke down the boundary between Jew and Gentile, and therefore the first who pointed out to men, the inbabitants of other countries for the exercise of their philanthropy and love, Hence a distinction is to be made both in the principle and practice of charity, as existing in ancient or in modern times. Though the old philosophers, historians, and poets frequently inculcated benevolence, we have no reason to conclude from any facts they have left us, that persons in their days did any thing more than occasionally relieve an unfortunate object, who might present himself before them, or that, how