RETROSPECTIVE REVIEW. ARTICLE 22. NEW ENGLISH CANAAN, OR, NEW CANAAN. (Continued from page 425, vol. viii.) THIRD book is a description of the people planted there, what remarkable accidents have happened there since they were settled, what tenents they hould, together with the practice of their churches. Great allowance must be made for the prejudices of a writer who hated the persons he describes, feeling sore from what he called their ill usage, and whose object was to render them odious to the parent state. In a former section of the book he had said it was "his chance to be landed in the parts of New England, where he found two sorts of people, the one Christians, the other infidels, whom he found more full of hu manity than the other." When we consider him as relating the affairs of the country, we should recollect, therefore, that he was filled with resentment against the inhabitants, who on the other hand viewed him as a monster that should be chained or driven out of their territories. After giving some account of the league which the Plymouth planters made with the sachem of these dominions; he proceeds to describe the plantation of Mr. Weston's people. He tells us that when they arrived at Plymouth, they were made welcome "by the brethren, while the good cheare lasted, and the strong liquors welked," but when the provisions grew short with feasting, they hasted them away to a place called Wessaguscus, and there left them fasting. One of the chapters of this book is the Description of a parliament held at Wessaguscus, and the actes. This we shall transcribe, on account of a story which has been been trumpeted about, with a view to ridicule the people of New England, and especially the fathers of Plymouth plantation, with whom it had no concern. "Master Weston's plantation being settled at Wessaguscus, his servants, many of them, lazy persons, that would use no endeavours to seke the benefit of the country, some of them fell sick and died. One among the rest, an able bodied man, that ranged the woodes, to see what it would afford, lighted by accident on an Indian barne, and from thence did take a cappe full of corne. The savage owner of it finding, by the foote, some English had bin there, came to the plantation, and made complaint. "The chief commander of the company after this called a parliament of all his people but those who were sick, and ill at ease. And wisely now, they must consult upon this huge complaint, that a privy knife, or string of beades would well have qualified, and Edward Johnson was a special judge of this business : The fact was then in repetition, construction made that it was fellony, and by the laws of England punished with death; and this in execution must be put, for an example, and likewise to appease the salvage, when straitways one arose, moved as it were with some compassion, and said that he could well gainsay the former sentence, yet hee had conceived within the compasse of his brain, an embryon, that was of special consequence to be delivered and cherished, he said, that it would most aptly serve to pacifie the salvages complaint, and save the life of one that might (if neede should be) stand them in good steade, being younge and stronge, fit for resistance against an enemy which might come unexpected for any thing they knew. The oration made was liked of every one, and hee intreated to proceede to shew the meanes how this could be performed: Sayes hee, you all agree that one must die, and one shall die; this younge man's cloaths we will take off, and put upon one, that is old and impotent, a sickly person, that cannot escape death, such is the disease on him confirmed, that die he must; put the younge man's cloaths on this man, and let the sick man be hanged in the other's steade: Amen, sayes one, and so sayes many more. "And this had like to have proved the final sentence, and become there confirmed by act of parliament, to after ages, for a president, but that one, with a raven's voice, begun to croake and rave for revenge, and put by that conclusive motion, alledging such deceipts might be the meanes hereafter to exasperate the minds of the exasperated salvages, and that by his death, they should shew their zeal for justice, and therefore he should die; This was concluded; yet nevertheless a scruple was made; now to countermand this act, did represent itself unto their mindes, which was how they should do, to get this man's good wil. This was indeed a special obstacle, for without, they all agreed it would be dangerous for any man to attempt the execution of it, lest mischiefe should befall them every man. He was a person who in his wrath was a second Sampson, able to beat out their brains with the jaw bone of an ass. Therefore they called the man and by persuasion got him fast bound in jest, and then hanged him up hard by in good earnest, who with a weapon, and at liberty, would have put all those wise judges of the parliament to a pittiful non plus, (as it has been credibly reported) and made the chief judge of them all buckle unto him." 51 This seems like romance from the pen of one who had a luxuriant fancy, rather than one desirous of communicating true intelligence. But it is a fact mentioned by grave historians as well as by Morton; and by Butler, the author of Hudibras, who might have related it to divert the merry wags of Charles's court, by telling of the saints in New England, who hung a bed rid weaver for a useful cobler. Mr. Hubbard tells the story as serious; or says the Plymouth people allowed there was some foundation for it. Of those who had been concerned in a theft, when the Indians insisted upon having the ringleader punished-" They hanged one who was less culpable, and not likely to live, in his stead. Others say, they deceived the Indians, and hanged up one who died of sickness or famine, a little while before." European writers have transferred the story from Weston's plantation to the Plymouth settlement, and by some to New England people at large. Morton was prejudiced in favour of Weston's company, but was too fond of a jest, to let any thing escape him that would afford entertainment to his readers. Our author differs from our other early historians in the account of Wollaston's company, more than in any thing else. He was interested in this business, and wished to have the truth concealed where his own character would suffer by it. He endeavoured to make others believe that all the other Plymouth settlers could allege against him and his company was, that they read the common prayer book, or worshipped according to the form of the church of England. By this he was more likely to gain thepoint which he wanted to carry, viz. to change the government of New England, and become himself a great man of the country. He gives however a diverting account of the capture of the place, as well as the proceedings of the company, which excited the resentment of purer characters. "The Separatists envying the prosperity and hope of the plantation at Ma-re Mount (which they perceived began to come forward, and to be in a good way for gaine in the beaver trade) contrived together against mine host especially (himself) who was the owner of the plantation, and made up a party against him, &c. They set upon mine honest host, at a place called Wessaguscus, where, by accident, they found him. The inhabitants there were in good hope of the subversion of the plantation of Ma-re Mount, because mine host was a man that endeavoured to advance the dignity of the church of England; whom they on the contrary part would laboure to vilifie, with uncivil terms; envying against the sacred book of common prayer, and mine host that used it in a laudable manner amongst his family, as a practice of piety, &c." He goes on to relate many circumstances which we have not room to enumerate, only he says that much rejoicing was the consequence of their taking him, because they would be able to seize his plantation at Ma-re Mount. But it seems he got away from them, and in a manner which discovered his cunning as well as prowess. They followed him to his plantation, and completed their object, though according to his account it could not have been done, had not most of his men been out a hunting, and some of those who were with him. The man has a talent of telling a good story of himself. "Now Captaine Shrimp, the first captaine of the land, as hee supposed, must doe some new act to repaire the losse, and to vindicate his reputation, who had sustained blemish, by this oversight. "He takes with him eight persons (being the nine worthies of New Canaan) they embark with purpose against Ma-re Mount, where this monster of a man (as their phrase was) had his denne. The whole number, had not the rest been from home, being but seven, would have given Captain Shrimp (a quondam drummer) such a welcome as would have made him wish for a drum as big as Diogenes's tub, that he might creepe into it out of sight." He says "these nine worthies came to the fort, or in his own language, the denne of this seven Hydra, as they called him, began to beet a parley, and offer quarter if he would yield. But hee, who was the son of a soldier, replied that he would not lay by these arms. They took him however, and his seven men who were to defend the place. No sooner had he set open the door, however, and issued out than Capt. Shrimpe, and the rest of the worthies stepped to him, and had him down, that they promised no violence should be offered to his person, his goods, nor to any of his household." Thus, according to Morton, they took possesion of the place, and disposed of whatever he had. The next chapter of this third book is "How the nine worthies sent mine host of Ma-re Mount into the enchanted castle at Plimmouth, and terrified him with the monster Briareus." It appears that they sent him to England, and he soon returned to New England, to their sorrow and mortification. He says they were much disappointed, and that his accounts of their proceedings caused them to be held in much derision; especially the songs he made about them. He produces a poem which he tells us is master Ben Johnsons. I sing the adventures of nine worthy Wights, This poem, which is eked out to nearly a hundred lines, is succeeded by illustrations, in which are many personal reflections upon the first characters of the new settlements. Nothing need be more exceptionable and disgusting than his account of Dr. Fuller's going to Salem upon the invitation of Capt. Littleworth. To sport with distresses, and turn acts of humanity into ridicule, is a species of depravity which no effervescence of fancy can excuse. It doth not appear that Morton was disturbed immediately upon his return to New England. He went back to England with a view of gaining some advantages for himself, and with complaints against the colony. Hutchinson quotes a letter of his to one Jeffries in New England, May 1, 1634, written in the same style with his book. From this we see the temper of the man, and his expectations of what was soon to take place. An order of the king in council had passed against New England, which was the effect of the complaints made by Gardiner, Morton and others. But their expectations were soon frustrated. So much was said by the friends of the plantation, that every thing was revoked which had been determined against them, and even a spring was given to emigration. For this the country was much indebted to the prudence of governour Winthrop, and the great interest, which was connected with the Massachusetts. Otherwise, the poor pilgrims of New Plymouth, instead of having a fixed habitation, would have been scattered through the wilderness. Morton came once more to New England in 1643. The troubles in his own country made it a place unfavourable to men of his principles and character, and his attachment was strong to the spot which appeared to him like another Canaan. He did not however, find it a place of rest to himself. He was called upon by the government to answer for his inimical conduct; his letters, and this book, which he had written against |