termined after the most serious deliberation to abdi, land who framed the constitution I have the utmost cate the crown in favor of his very dear son." He respect; and will manifest it, in supporting, to the therefore, by this decree of "free and voluntary utmost of my power, the great principles they abdication," made known his royal will, that the established to preserve the integrity of the republic, Prince of Asturias should be acknowledged and and administer to the felicities of its numerous and obeyed as king and national lord of all his king-increasing people. If I can do no more, I will do doms and "sovereignties."(7) this-I will obey the dictate of WASHINGTON, and Politics. 66 6. frown indignantly on he first dawning of an attempt to alliexate any portion of this country from the rest, or enfeebie the sacred lies which ve unk As many persons expect something on politics, its various parts," and account that marfas half (as the word is generally understood) in the first a traitor or two thirds a fool, who would create number of the REGISTER, Supposing it may afford" Geographical discriminations" in the dy politic.. a data whereon to form an opinion of the ground Some persons pretend to lear this government intend to take; and feeling an earnest desire that a cannot stand. I believe those who EXPRESS such a single subscriber shall not be disappointed, though fear do not wish it to stand. There is a certain unprepared to discuss a particular subject, I will rankling aristocracy Loo generally prevalent in the offer a few general remarks, hoping they may meet human breast, that prompts us to think ourselves the wishes of my friends and patrons; premising, superior to our fellows. From the time that governin order that I may not be saddled with the sins of ment began there has existed two parties in every others (assured I shall have enough of my own to country, and they will exist till man receives a new bear) that I intend to make it a rule to annex my heart; though, in some places, the public reason own proper signature or at least the initials of my may controul them more than in others. Those name, to every article of this description I may parties contain, 1st, The men who labor,-no write and publish. The procedure may be thought matter at what business or profession-2nd, those too pompous by some, and condemned as dictatori-who do not, or desire to live on the labor of others. rial by others--but I have my reasons for it, and leei The first is struggling for a relief of their burvery confident that what I have to say will not be thens and cares-the second is as anxious to keep one jot or tittle the better for being signed Cincin themselves as they are, or exalt their condition; nutus, or Thales, or Washington, or Franklin. It is and hence perpetual war. Let us examine the the fashion, to be sure, to attach great names to matter and ourselves, carefully, and see if it is not so little pieces. I would reverse the practice, if could. The ass was chiefly despised for pretending to be a lion. Can and when we find a man "despairing of the republic," or, by vile insinuation, attempting to undermine the faith the people put in it, probe him The letter and spirit of the prospectus, shall, as to the quick; he will be found seeking for some. far as my better judgment can direct me, be strict thing-some post of honor, profit or emolument, ly adhered to-nay, so far will I carry its spirit, or degree of consideration among the people he that if I myself shall advance opinions not generally does not then possess. He belongs to the aristocraheld as truly American, I will not only insert a tic party, though he may call himself by what replication thereto, but search for and select the name he pleases. "I believe this the strongest best written articles I can find on the subject, in" government on earth, I believe it the only one opposition. Let it not be intered from this that were every man at the call of the law, would fly suppose myself capable of withstanding all and any "to the standard of the law, and would meet invaopposition that may possibly arise. I only mean "sions of the public order as his own personal that the matter may be fairly argued, devoid of per- "concern. Sometimes it is said that man cannot sonalities and indiscriminate censures. If a literary "be trusted with the government of himself. colossus assails me, I will seek a match for him-"he then be trusted with the government of others? If he proves me incorrect, my position shall be" or have we found angels in the form of kings to abandoned. This is what I call a "broad, liberal "govern him?-Let history answer the question.”* and independent basis; " and however strange the It is true, that our great men, like the planets, prospect may appear, I believe it practicable, seeing have their satellites revolving round them-moving I have no particular object, as to this man or that as they move, and adopting all their opinions-and man, to accomplish. But essays, likely to produce thus, perhaps, some really honest well meaning men such contention will rarely, if ever, be written and may believe a republican system of government inpublished by me. I desire to print a work useful to compatible with the power necessary to its own preall, rather than promotive of the interests of a part. servation. I pity the weakness of such men; their As to our relations at home-Every feeling of posterity will not think so. Our fathers were acmy heart is enlisted to preserve the liberties of my customed to speak of kings and lords as angels :country, as laid down in the declaration of indepen- some of the old leaven remains, but most Americans dence, and secured by the CONSTITUTION. I vene believe them to be among the weakest, most aban. rate the good man who drafted that memorable doned and vilest of mankind, and so they are. The instrument, and know not how sufficiently to adgreat commoner," William Pitt, who sunk into mire his great compatriots in the work of revolu insignificance and an earldom," used to call the tion. I believe that declaration cannot be too often British house of lords, 4 hospital of incurables!' and read and studied; as well to put us in mind of what I have heard the venerable author of the Pennsylvawe were, and make us sensible of what we are, as to nia Farmer's letters say, he did not believe there teach us to appreciate the blessings of freedom, and ever were congregated, in a legislative capacity, so rights of self government. And I cannot consider that vile, so wretched and ignorant a body of men man a friend to this country who pronounces it a this self same house of lords. If we travel to France "micked thing," or would, in any manner, prevent we find nothing better-what may not be said of the a frequent reference to it. For the fathers of the Legion of honor? (7)" Official account," &c. 3. Am. Reg. State pap. 369. * Jefferson's inaugural address. as Again, it is said, "our country is too large for a being the needle of their compass, settles at the żepublic." Why so?-Is Russia, three times as proper point. large, more happily governed? Whence comes Thus, without expecting it, I have been led to a the opinion? The Roman commonwealth was des-long dissertation, and must defer some remarks on troyed; but not from the extent of the territory.-our foreign relations until another time. As to Rome had nothing like our confederation in the con- foreign nations, say Great Britain and France, for stitution of her government-a city, it may be said, all are nearly swallowed up in the influence of one gave the law to a world. There was no representa for the other, I will merely observe-that I consider tion to bring to a common focus the feelings and the former as governed by a set of [political] knaves interests of the widely distributed parts-there were and the latter by a single one. Which of the two no state sovereignties to preside over the local con is preferable has not entered into my calculation.-cerns of the people. Their elections were civil But there are a few points as to our domestic affairs wars; and the army generally decided contested on which it becomes me to say something. points between her ambitious citizens:-yet liberty In several parts of the United States, particularly was not destroyed until the jealousy of her rulers on the Eastern Shore of Maryland and in the states had deprived the people of the use of arms--and of Kentucky and Ohio, an idea has gone forth that then, indeed, despotism had its full sway. With us the WEEKLY REGISTER was intended to oppose every citizen is constitutionally á soldier, and may Mr. Madison and support the ex-secretary, M. R. the fate of Haman be his who shall plot to deprive Smith. The rumor has prevented many subscrip him of the inestimable privilege of bearing arms. tions, and been of no small detriment to me, though Yet something else is necessary-a general diffu destitute of the slightest foundation on truth, I do sion of knowledge in the establishment of schools. not intend to oppose or support any man,* much It has for many years been a serious question in less to take part in the squabbles of individuals, enlightened England, whether it is sound policy to though principles shall be discussed On the late teach the poor to read and write; and the magnani difference between these gentlemen I have had but mous emperor of France, improving upon the hint, one opinion which was, and is, that Mr. Madison was will not suffer a sufficient quantity of presses in his perfectly justifi ble in dismissing Mr. Smith; he dominions to supply his people with mere school being responsible to the people for the conduct of books, though they worked night and day.* If a man the executive, was unquestionably right in not in the United States, were to attempt to reason permitting himself to be dictated to, and in restor soberly on the impropriety of general education in ing harmony to the different departments of gora political point of view (or, indeed, in any other) ernment. I believe that Mr. Smith, or any other we would put him down for a madman or fool, man thinking him self aggrieved, has a right to vinwithout any ceremony. But in England, many dicate or justify himself at the bar of the public grave and reverend gentlemen, holding high places [reason”—but of the manner and time in whe in the church and state, and distinguished for their did it, I have always expressed the most unqua ined talents, have protested against instructing the com disapprobation; nor am I pleased with the mater mon people, lest they may become proud and no itself, many things being highly exceptionable. In longer submit to the drudgery they patiently bear in general, as an individual, I approve the measures of ignorance!" What sort of government must that gevernment; but things have been done I could be where such opinions are tolerated, and, perhaps, not support, and others may be committed I shall found necessary? In continental Europe the state not subscribe to, I will attach myself, as an editor, of things is far worse. Bonaparte declares, in the to no party but the PEOPLE'S PARTY, whose wish most public manner, that his subjects shall not is "peace, liberty and <afety.”. possess information-that they shall not be instructed; and, from a knowledge of facts obtained through the experience of others, correct their own understanding, and lead to an amelioration of their con Lord SHEFFIELD's ideas on commerce with his dition. He intends they shall be slaves; and to be views of the United States of America, have receiv good slaves, they must be ignorant. Time has been when a man that could read and write was considered as one of the fathers (if not the ather) of ed the force of oracles in England. He may be regarded as a suspicious character-an enemy of "order and regular government." The time seems the present British system of blockading whole Last approaching, in Europe, (nay, perhaps, now is,) coasts by pieces of paper; in defiance of national when to reason will be accounted a high misdemea-law and moral justice, to coerce a monopoly of the or. There are some persons in the United States trade of the world, or at least force its commodities who affect to believe it unfit for the common people through their own ports. Unfortunately for the to examine the conduct of their rulers-but their rights of neutrality their great rival in rapacity, the number is as few as their doctrine is contemptible. ruler of continental Europe, has so completely seI thank heaven there are not many native citizens conded their views by his outrageous decrees, that of the United States who cannot read and write, neutral trade is destroyed, or pursued at a gen 1 al and that most of them reflect on the measures of loss. But this is foreign to our present subject--we government. To do so is a moral obligation of the meant only to notice one of his lordship's views of the United States, at this time; the British ministry highest importance, as well as a constitutional duty. At stated periods, not far distant from each other, appearing to see as he did, and, in defiance of innuthey have full opportunity to give effect to their con' merable and palpable facts, refusing to be convinced clusions--at the polls the feeblest voice is heard and of the real state of things amongst us. the verdict is final. It is true, the people may be In his lordship's book, written just after the close led away for the moment-but as the safety of the of our revolutionary war, entitled "Observations on state is every man's personal concern, and as I can the commerce of the American States” (which we not believe "the people are their own worst enemies," may have some further occasion to notice herea ter,) the attraction of deception passes away, and truth.a constant disposition is manifested to depress the We intend to publish this Gothic decree-from American character, and derogate the natural adactual calculation the above is literally correct. H. N. "The Western Country. * Ałyself, always excepted." vantages our country enjoys, as well at the expence sippi and its tributary streams covered with hunof probability as of truth: leading his fellow-subjects dreds of steam boats. The sentiment, from the nointo gross errors, to prevent emigration, retard the velty of the idea, appeared extravagant at the time ; increase of population, and obstruct the establish- but from what has happened, and is daily coming to ment of manufactures. pass, it assumes probability, and may be verified in His lordship takes frequent opportunity to assure its fullest extent, at a very early period. The westhis readers, "that settlers beyond the Alleghany moun-ern country is receiving an unprecedented increase tains cannot become COMMERCIAL;" well knowing of wealth and population; and the native obstructhat to commerce (i. e. foreign commerce) his coun-tions to such navigation will be removed as the comtrymen are apt to connect every idea of prosperity; merce of the waters rises to its ultimate importance. for his lordship had heard there were rich and fertile We reserve to ourselves some more lengthy relands to be had on very reasonable terms, in our marks on this subject, the preceding being intended "western country," but would prove them of little only to introduce the following interesting stateuse, and that they never can be thickly populated ment: from the impossibility of finding a vent for their pro- Louisville, (Ken.) May 31, 1811.-The following duce. His lordship's lordly objects are distinctly is an estimate of their boats and the loading, which known; they furnish full proof of his loyalty, if they passed the falls of Ohio, from October 5, 1810, to afford nothing in favor of his discernment or love May 5, 1811. of truth. Boats Bacon 218 number 743 Cider-royal barrels 1,350 Whiskey barrels Oats dilto ditto bushels 2,513 Yarn & 7 1,811 263 About 27 years have elapsed since lord Sheffield made his book. The state of Ohio was then a mere wilderness, and, indeed, most of the present thickly populated places on the western waters, not much better. The many powerful streams which intersect that delightful country bore on the bosoms of their waters only the solitary canoe of the indian, 4,020 Cordage pounds 113,015 stealing along their banks in quest of his game. But Corn 47,795 Fowls number 1,207,338 Omo, by the census last taken, was found to contain 230,819 inhabitants; its waters are enlivened by the Merchandize $355,624 Shoe thread pounds 2,592 Cheese barrels 5,141 Country? appearance of majestic ships, bound to the sea; Beans ditto 606 linen yards yeli of the savage had given place to the cheerful Plank feet 1,483,130 Horses note of the sailor; while hundreds of large boats, Butter pounds 24,691 Beer barrels holding their adverse courses, manifest the magni Live hogs number 708 Tobacco hhds. tude of the commerce of the country, and assure to the husbandman a market for his productions, as well as a supply of those articles of foreign produce A Mr. Bowman, a pilot at Jeffersonville, took which his want demands or luxury requires. Twen- 106 boats over the falls of the Ohio, during the ty-two years since there were not 100 white persons aforesaid period of whose cargoes no notice is in the country now forming the state of Ohio-it taken in the above. the number 8,140 292 227 2.311 And a number of articles too tedious to be calculated. was an impenetrable forest: last year its inhabitants The foregoing is a return made by the regular manufactured two millions of yards of woolen, flax-pilots, who all agree in stating that during the high en and cotton cloth, more than one million of gal water at least one third as many more passed withlons of whiskey, upwards of thirteen millions of out their assistance. This estimate, therefore, gives pounds of sugar, with many other articles forming the whole probable number of boats that passed the an aggregate value equal to two millions and a quar Falls at nearly 1200, wafting the rich produce of ter of dollars. About fifteen years ago the writer of the western parts of Pennsylvania, and Virginia this article recollects to have heard that celebrated with those of the state of Ohio and a part of Kenmechanic, Mr. Oliver Evans, give an opinion that tucky, to the markets on the sea-board. WHAT A the man was then living who might see the Missis- PROSPECT! · TOTAL EXPENSES Of the War for Independence, with a Statement of all the Troops in the Continental Service. 700 741 New-Hampshire 2,824 3,019 1,172 1,283 1,004 1,017 16,444 13,372 7,816 7,010 6,287 4,453 3,732 4,123 798 548 915 1,193 507 461 481 630 4,407 6,390 4,563 4,01 3,544 3,133 2,420 1,732 2,075 3,629 1,903 2,194 2,256 2,179 1,178 1,198 3,193 1,408 1,586 1,976 1,105 Pennsylvania Maryland Virginia N. Carolina S. Carolina 500 5,519 4,983 3,684 3,470 3,337 1,346 1,280 299 349 317 325 637 2,030 3,307 2,849) 2,065 6,181 5,744 5,236 3,972 2,486 1,134 1,281 1,287 1,214] 2,069 1,650 1,650 738 4,270||1775 7 20,064,666 24,986,438 24,986,438 823 660 6751779 10,794,625 1,5981780 3,000,000 89 16 2361781 1,942,462) 770 1,28 9741782 3,631,745 1,223 1,604 545 1,105 27,413 46,891 34,820 32,899 27,69921,01513,282 14,250 13,176||Sun-? dries S 42,708,009 Total, servicea ble in camp 15,000 25,000 25,00€ 19,000 13,000 19,900 10,000 11,000 12,000 Specie 135.103,702 Population of England and Wales according to the Census of 1801. W. Riding 111,146 4,723 276,005 287,918 55,695 161,188 338,196 563,953 1,467,870 53,9623,987,935 4,313,499 1,524,227 1,789,531 4,606,530|8,331,434 Public Papers." declarations of our humble opinion, respecting the most essential rights and liberties of the colonists, At commencing the publication of state papers we and of the grievances under which they labor, by are naturally led to those which immediately reason of several late acts of parliament. belong to the transformation of the "British co- 1. That his majesty's subjects in these colonies, lonies in America" into "free, sovereign and owe the same allegiance to the crown of Great independent states," to be followed by the con- Britain, that is owing from his subjects born within stitution of the United States, and a complete the realm, and all due subordination to that august analysis of the several constitutions of the differ- body, the parliament of Great Britain. ent states-the importance of these articles, as matters of reference, is too manifest to demand a remark. II. That his majesty's liege subjects in these colonies are entitled to all the inherent rights and liberties of his natural born subjects, within the The following circular letter from the speaker of kingdom of Great Britain. the house of representatives of the "province of III. That it is inseparably essential to the freedom Massachusetts-Bay," addressed to the speakers of of a people, and the undoubted right of Englishmen, the egi latures of the other provinces, gave rise that no taxes be imposed on them but with their own consent, given personally or by their represen to the FIRST AMERICAN CONGRESS. V. That the only representatives of the people of these colonies are persons chosen therein by themselves; and that no taxes ever have been, or can be constitutionally imposed on them, but by their respective legislatures. SIR,-The house of representatives of this pro-tatives. vince, in the present session of the general court, IV. That the people of these colonies are not, have unanimously agreed to propose a meeting, as and, from their local circumstances, cannot be, soon as may be, of committees from the house of represented in the house of commons in G. Britain. representatives or burgesses of the several British colonies on this continent, to consult together on the present circumstances of the colonies, and the difficulties to which they are, and must be reduced, by the operation of the acts of parliament for levy ing duties and taxes on the colonies; and to consiVI. That all supplies to the crown being free gifts der of a general and united, dutiful, loyal and hum of the people; it is unreasonable and inconsistent ble representation of their condition, to his majesty with the principles and spirit of the British constiand the parliament, and to implore relief. The tution, for the people of Great Britain to grant to house of representatives of this province have also his majesty the property of the colonists. voted to propose, that such meeting be at the city VII. That the trial by jury,is the inherent and invas of New-York, in the province of New York, on the luable right of every British subject in these colonies, first Puesday in October next; and have appointed VIII. That the late act of parliament, entitled, a commit ee of three of their members to attend an act for granting and applying certain stamp that service, with such as the other houses of repre- duties, and other duties, in the British colonies and sentatives, or burgesses, in the several colonies, plantations in America," &c. by imposing taxes on may think fit to appoint to meet them. And the the inhabitants of these colonies, and the said act, committee of the house of representatives of this and several other acts, by extending the jurisdiction province, are directed to repair to said New York, of the courts of admiralty beyond its ancient limits, on said first Tuesday in October next, accordingly. have a manifest tendency to subvert the rights and If, therefore, your honorable house should agree liberties of the colonists. vince. to this proposal, it would be acceptable that as early IX. That the duties imposed by several late acts notice of it as possible might be transmitted to the of parliament, from the peculiar circumstances of speaker of the house of representatives of this pro- these colonies, will be extremely burdensome and grievous; and, from the scarcity of specie, the In consequence of the preceding circular, a meeting payment of them absolutely impracticable. of delegates from Massachusetts-Bay, Connecti- X. That as the profits of the trade of these colo. cut, Rhode Island, and Providence Plantations, nies ultimately centre in Great Britain, to pay for New York, New-Jersey, Pennsylvania, the go the manufactures which they are obliged to take vernment of the counties of Newcastle, Kent and from thence, they eventually contribute very largely Sussex, upon Delaware, the province of Mary to all supplies granted there to the crown. land and South Carolina, was held at New-York; XI. That the restrictions imposed by several and, on the 19th of October 1765, they agreed to late aets of parliament on the trade of these colothe following "declaration of the rights of the conies, will render them unable to purchase the malonists of America." [The number of delegates nufactures of Great Britain. were only twenty cight. Virginia, North Caro- XII. That the increase, prosperity and happilina and Georgia were prevented by their govern-ness of these colonies, depend on the full and free ors from sending deputies to this congress; but enjoyment of their rights and liberties, and an interafterwards forwarded petitions to the king, lords course with Great Britain, mutually affectionate and commons s milar to those adopted by it. and advantageous. Declaration of the rights of the colonists of America, as agreed to by the first American congress at New-in York, October 19, 1765. XIII. That it is the right of the British subjects these colonies to petition the king, or either house of parliament. The members of this congress, sincerely devoted Lastly, That it is the indispensible duty of these with the warmest sentiments of affection and duty, colonies, to the best of sovereigns, to the mother to his majesty's personal government-inviolably country, and to themselves, to endeavor by a loyal attached to the present happy establishment of the and dutiful address to his majesty, and humble protestant succession; and with minds deeply im-application to both houses of parliament, to procure pressed by a sense of the present and impending the repeal of the act for granting and applying cerInisfortunes of the British colonies on this conti- tain stamp duties, of all clauses of any other act of nent--having considered, as maturely as time will parliament, whereby the jurisdiction of the anmipermit, the circumstances of the said colonies, es-ralty is extended as aforesaid, and of the other late Leem it our indispensible duty to make the following acts for the restriction of American commerce. |