Mr. Giles said he found himself, in a very unprecutive project. pared state, called upon to oppose a very un xpect- In the consideration of this subject, it is imported motion. The object of the mover had no been ant to turn our attention to the objects for which a very precisely expressed; but he had mentioned military force is demanded, to enable us the better the number of twelve thousand infantry as prefera to apportion the means to the objects intended to ble to twenty thousand, about the number provi- be effected. For this purpose he begged the most ded for by the bill. Mr. Giles said it was also under- serious attention of the senate to the president's stood, that a force of ten thousand men of every message at the commencement of the session. description would more correspond with the execu tive views, and fully answer the executive requisition. This, he believed, was the fact, and should so consider it in the course of the observations he proposed to make. Notwithstanding this circum stance, however, considering the late occurrences on our western frontiers, and the feelings of the western people so justly excited thereby, &c. he acknowledged that the motion had come from the most unexpected quarter of the union, and from a gentleman the most unexpected to him of all those who represent the western portion of the United States; because from the long course of military services honorably rendered by that gentleman du ring the revolutionary war, he must have become well acquainted with the absolute necessity of a due degree of momentum in military affairs.

"I must now add, observes the president, that the period is arrived, which claims from the legislative guardians of the national rights a system of more ample provisions for maintaining them. Notwithstanding the scrupulous justice, the protracted moderation, and the multiplied efforts on the part of the United States to substitute for the accumulating dangers to the peace of the two countries, all the mutual advantages of re established friendship and confidence; we have seen that the British cabinet perseveres, not only in withholding a remedy for other wrongs so long and so loudly calling for it; but in the execution, brought home to the threshhold of our territory of measures which, under existing circumstances, have the character, as well as the effect, of war on our lawful commerce.

"With this evidence of hostile inflexibility in Mr. Giles said he did not propose to go into a full trampling on rights which no independent nation exposition of our foreign relations at this time; yet can relinquish, congress will feel the duty of putthe motion furnished a most extensive scope for obting the United States into an armour, and an attiservation, because if it should unfortunately suctude demanded by the crisis, and corresponding ceed, it would essentially derange, as he conceived with the national spirit and expectations.

the whole views of the committee who had reported! "I recommend accordingly, that adequate pro i

sion be made for filling the ranks and prolonging ed for their effectuation. In his official responsible the enlistments of the regular troops; for an auxili message, he tells us, that" congress wil eel the any force to be engaged for a more limitted term, for duty of putting the United States into an armour the acceptance of volunteer corps whose patriotic and an attitude demanded by the crisis, and corresardor may court a participation in urgent services;ponding with the national spirit and expectations.” for detachments, as they may be wanted of other The standard here pointed out for calculating the portions of the militia, and for such a preparation quantum of force to be supplied is the crisis,' which of the great body as will proportion its usefulness had been previously described in the mo tsolemn to its intrinsic capacity." and imposing terms, and "the national spirit and Whether the committee had reportHere we find, in the first place, the most solemn expectations." and imperious call upon congress in the charactered too great a force for subduing the crisis, he was of "the legislative guardians of the national rights, willing to submit to the verdict of the national spirit for a system of more ample provisions for maintain and expectations. ing them." The president then very properly and emphatically proceeds to tell us why he makes this solemn call upon the legislative guardians of the nation at this time. He tells us in substance, that notwithstanding" the scrupulous justice, the protracted moderation, and the multiplied efforts on the part of the United States to induce Great Britain to recede from her hostile aggressions upon their essential sovereign rights, so far from yielding to these po lite and pathetic invitations, she had increased her aggressions, and had adopted "measures, which, under existing circumstances, have the character as well as the effect of war upon our lawful commerce;" and that these measures are, in their exe It will be observed too, in the message, the precution, brought home to the threshold of our territory." Could the president have chosen language sident in his more specific recommendations, after more emphatic to shew the imperious character of designating the kinds of force suited to the occasion, the call upon congress to furnish him with ade leaves the quantum of each to be judged of, and quate physical means to retrieve the honor and re decided by congress, where the responsibility did, dress the wrongs of the nation? Lest there might and ought to rest; and he was unwilling, by recedbe some possible mistake, on the part of con-ing from his constitutional duty, to revert this res gress, he tells us explicitly that the aggressions of ponsibility upon the executive." Great Britain have the character as well as the effect of war upon our lawful commerce, and that this war is brought home to the threshold of our territory.

But it is now said or intimated in substance, that this official responsible standard is only ostensible, and that the true standard for estimating the quantum of force demanded, must be derived from the decrepid state of the treasury and the financial fame of the gentleman at the head of that department. This subject will require a distinct consideration; but in the mean time it is sufficient to say, that the committee unanimously refused to be influenced by any considerations, but those resulting from the official responsible communication, and their own reflections upon the state of the nation, as disclosed thereby. They unanimously rejected informal inofficial communications.

It thus appearing, said Mr. Giles, that the force demanded, was for the purpose of war, if, unfortu nately we should be driven by Great Britain to that last resort, and that although the war would be undertaken upon principles strictly defensive; yet,

thus recommended.

But, sir, the president does not stop here. He in its operation, it must necessarily become offentells us, that notwithstanding our protracted mode ration, &c. &c. Great Britain with hostile inflexi-sive on our part; and that congress was to determine exclusively upon the adequacy of the means bility, perseveres in trampling on essential sovereign for conducting it; he would now proceed to enquire rights; rights, at least, "which no independent mote particularly-1st, whether the committee had nation can relinquish." Here then, it is evident, recommended a force more than adequate to the the president conceives that our independence as a nation is brought into question, and put at hazard. purposes of the war; and 24. whether it was within Can any subject put a more awful and imperious the capacity of the United States to supply the force call upon congress to exert and apply the whole Mr. G. said, that in estimating the quantum of energies of the nation, than a question of INDEPENDENCE? The plain English of all this commu-force demanded by the existing crisis, it appeared nication, he understood to be, that all the inefficient to him gentlemen had not given sufficient conside. measures which have been adopted in relation to ration to the attitude assumed by the United States the belligerents for three years past, had not an in relation to the Floridas, to the extension of our swered the expectations of their projectors; but in-southern and western frontiers, to the late hostile stead of the expected recession, had produced on acts and threatenings in that quarter; nor to the the part of Great Britain, at least, inflexible hostili-importance of New Orleans; its exposed position These circumstances, ty. This was a very natural result, and one which and defenceless situation. he had always anticipated, as was well known to however, entered deeply into the consideration of this honorable body. But the administration hav. the committee, and induced it to conclude that the ing learnt wisdom by these feeble experiments, had whole military establishment now authorized by now determined to change its course, and for the law, if completed, would not be more than sufficient purpose of rendering this hostility more flexible, perhaps insufficient, to answer the necessary obhad at length resolved, instead of commercial rejects of the government in the scene just described? strictions, to try the effect of physical force. An it was therefore intended that the whole of that fores adequate force is therefore demanded by the execu- should be left free to act therein according to cirtive; and the adequacy of that force is very pro cumstances, and that the additional force now reperly referred to congress, where the responsibility commended, should act exclusively in the northern is placed by the constitution; where it ought to rest and eastern portion of the union. This force no --and for one, he was willing to take his full share gentleman will pretend can be too great for our obof it. But, sir, the president goes on further. After jects in that quarter, in the event of war, unaided designating the objects, he points out the standard by the existing establishment. Hence it was matfor ascertaining the adequacy of the force demand Iter of great surprise to him that the western gentle

men should wish to diminish the number of men Two thousand men completely furnished with all now proposed to be raised because he believed that the means of annoyance, possessed of all the kill every man deducted from the proposed force, would that military science could afford, and impelled by take one from the force intended by the committee all the subordination and management that military to protect our southern and western frontiers.—— discipline could impose, with the aid of the local miThese gentlemen, he presumed, must be better litia also, would deserve well of their country, if judges than himself, how many of these men they they should preserve New York from the grasp of can generously spare from their own protection ;Great Britain; in case she should think proper to but for his part he thought there was not one to direct the force she might have at command against spare from these objects, and the committee were that city. Then why send 1,000 on a service, when willing to give the whole of them that destination, we know that 2,000 are necessary, and perhaps inWith respect to the protection of Orleans, he competent? Is it because the United States have knew it was the expectation of the late administra not the capacity to send 2,000? That question shall tion, that in the event of war, G. Britain would pos be examined presently. The same observation will sess herself of that city; and it was not thei. inten apply to the protection of Rhode I land, where 2000 sion to incur the expence of being constantly pre more will be necessary; and 1,000 will be as few pared to repel the first incursions of the enemy; he as can possibly be detached for the other fortifica. did not know the intention of the present adminis tions. Admiting then 5,000 men to be necessary tration in that respect, but presumed it was acting to man the various fortifications on the sea hoard, on the same policy. In case the British should take and supposing every man to be raised, as proposed possession of Orleans, the western people must ne in the bill, there will be a disposable force of only cessarily be called on to drive them out; and he doubt 20,000 men for the occupation of Canada. But up. ed very much whether it would either be a very ac on the executive project there would be left for that ceptable occupation or a very easy task. He had service only 5,000 men; unless, indeed the western always disapproved of this policy, and in the event and southern frontiers should be left unprotected, of war, he thought it wise, not only to be prepared for the fortifications on the sea board should be only for defence at all points, but to give the first blow. (half manned, and of course leit to the sport of the enHe believed in the end it would be found not only jemy. Mr. G. said he apprehended in the first onset the wise-t, but the most economical policy both in of the war, G. Britain would direct her force to the blo d and treasure.

occupation of New York and Orleans; and if she Having presented to the senate the objects to should possess herself of those two points, he which the existing military establishment ought to would venture to predict that the administration be assigned, according to the views of the commit which commenced the war would not finish it; tee, he would proceed to enquire, whether the addi especially under a system of policy which would on tional force recommended would be more than com ly furnish one half of the means deemed necessary petent to the objects to which it must necessarily for their protection—yes, sir, known to be inadebe assigned, and which ought unquestionably to be quate at the time of applying it. What apology effected by it. In case of war, an event he deprecat could be made to an injured nation under such cired as much as any gentleman present, the new army cumstances? We knew 2,000 men to be necessary would have to man your fortifications on the sea for the defence of New York; but we sagely deterboard from Norfolk to the extremities of our terri- mined to apply one thousand only to that object, tory, north and east, and to occupy Canada. These for fear of incurring the expence of the requisite are the contemplated and indispensable objects of number. This would be self condemnation. The this army, in the estimation of the executive and the people would lose all confidence in such calculators honorable mover, as well as of the committee. and would certainly make the experiment of a The question will therefore turn upon the accuracy change. Under such circumstances, Mr. G. said, and correctness of their respective calculations as he would be the first to cry out for a change of adto the quantum of force necessary to effect these ministration; for it would not be possible to loose objects. by it. Defend New York with all the judgment Mr. Giles said he had a conversation with the se and skill you can command; fill the fortifications cretary for the department of war, in his character with the full complement of troops amply provided; of chairman of the committee of foreign relations, in call in the local militia, &c. and he should not be which the secretary did endeavor to demonstrate surprised if the British should get possession of that to him that a smaller number of men than 25,000 city. But then there would be no blame on the adwould answer the-e objects; but so far from produc ministration: all its duties will have been performing this conviction it satisfied him that the numbered: and the result would rest upon the fortune of was too small. He thought that every inference war; but a single act of neglect or misconduct drawn by the honorable secretary ought to have would certainly deprive the administration of the been inverted. For instance, he was asked how public confidence.

many men were indispensably necessary to man If, sir, G. Britain should get possession of Newthe fortifications at New-York? The honorable se-York and Oleans, and you should get possession cretary replied 2.000; but he intended to make of Canada, you would be very glad to make the ex1.000 answer, and would rely for the rest of the change upon the termination of the war. Therefore, complement on the local militia. Now, said Mr. take care of these two points. Giles, he inferred, if 2,000 men were necessary for Mr. Giles said, he also requested the henorable that most exposed and important position, that secretary to consult with the president, and inform 1.000 would not answer with the precarious and achim, as the president's secretary, whether the precidental aid of the local militia; that 2,000 ought to sident wished to have the number of men reduced? be calculated on for that service; and if with the or whether he had a preference for any other num. aid of the local militia they could protect New York against the force Great Britain might detach against that city, they would perform their full share of the toils and perils ofthe war.

ber? The reply, after the consulation, very properly was, that the president had no opinion to offer on that point. He considered it a subject of legislative discretion, &c. Of course any informal executive

With syllogisms 'twill make a clatter, With abstract rights, three deckers batter;

views ought not to be substituted for our own discre tion and responsibility. Mr. Giles said, he knew it had been suggested, and perhaps from very high An empty purse at millions shake, authority, that nothing was necessary to induce And no trade 'gainst a free trade stake; Great Britain to recede from her aggressions, but to Of rotting produce count the gain, convince her, that instead of opposing to them in- A seaboard coast shut from the main ; efficient commercial restrictions, they would be To seamen recommend the loom, resisted with physical force; and that raising ten And on each mast to fix the broom; thousand men, would produce this conviction, Merchants for lack of foreign wares, without incurring further expense. This sugges To retail apples, plumbs and pears." tion furnished one of his strongest objections to Limit all our mighty efforts to 10,000 men, and limiting the force to be raised to ten thousand men. t will afford a better subject for another pasquinade So far from producing that conviction on the Brithan the president's message had done for the one tish cabinet, he was convinced it would produce just read. He should not have ventured to read precisely the opposite effect. The_British cabinet these paragraphs to the senate, however, if these would look at the means provided for effecting th impressions were merely local. But he believed object, as the best evidence of the object itself. similar impressions pervaded Europe and America, And as these means would be viewed so utterly and had unfortunately found their way into the inadequate to the purposes of war, the cabinet French and British cabinets. Nor should he have would necessarily conclude, that we were not in thought these sarcasms worth regard, were it not earnest; that we were joking even upon the most for the truisms with which they were pointed. serious subject; that war was not intended, and When the duc de Cadore, upon his review of our would not be resorted to under any circumstances. proceedings, told us officially that he would have This impression, the necessary result of our for expected more from a Jamaica assembly, he thought mer measures, has become so general, both at home it both impertinent and insolent; but the point of and abroad, that we have much to do to retrieve the offence was a consciousness that it was too our lost reputation: we do not stand upon original much like the truth. It is the truism which forms ground. Our measures must be of a very different the sting of every sarcasm. We find the emperor character from what they have been, to produce the Napoleon, too, acting under these same inipresdesired conviction, either at home or abroad. Havsions, when he seizes and confiscates your property, ing changed our principle of action from commer without even a plausible pretext. The only ground cial restrictions, to physical force, limiting that upon which he acted, was a conviction that you force to ten thousand men would be, in his judg. would not resent it, and he therefore might plunder ment, as much trifling with the energies of the na- with impunity. The same impressions direct the tion, as inefficient commercial restrictions had here British cabinet in its "inflexible hostility" and its tofore been trifling with the character and interests was upon our commerce, "both in character and of the nation, and he feared was dictated by the same effect, brought home to the threshold of our terunfortunare imbecile spirit and policy. Mr. Giles titory." If our protracted moderation, wonderial said that whilst upon this part of the subject, he beg moderation, &c. by which he presumed were meant ged to be excused for reading a few paragraphs from our feeble contrivances for the last three years, and a newspaper, which he accidentally picked up last on which, he feared, the requisition of 10,000 men, evening, containing the annunciation of the Pre was a branch both in spirit and policy, should still sident's message at Quebec, the very point to which be continued, he believed it would degenerate into the proposed force might probably be directed. It something of a very different character, and would fully demonstrates the impressions existing there, receive a very different denomination from the and which have been produced by our former mea- public.

sures.

Mr. Giles begged the senate to turn its attention QUEBEC, Nov. 18. to the means of resistance new actually in Canada, President's message-Happily the expectation of which would probably be opposed to the contemplaMr. Madison's speech, steps in opportunely, as ted force. From the best information he could ob

something of an antidote to the effect of the Euro tain, the British had at this time in Canada from pean dearth. From that speech shall we learn that 7 to 10,000 regular troops, and from 12 to 15,000 the terrible being, John Bull, does not suffer his well appointed, well furnished militia, drawn from thousand armed vessels, manned and equipped at a population of nearly 300,000 souls. If therefore an enormous expence, to lie wholly idle; but that your troops could be ready to act in the spring bethey are guilty of the audacious tyranny of being, in fore the breaking up of the ice, and before the British some degree, a check on the violent inclinations of could throw further succours into that country, it Dame Columbia to extend her arms to cherish, aid appeared to him there would be very good employand assist her admired hero, Napoleon, in effect. ment for 20,000 men in subduing this force and po ing John's annihilation. Much will the speech pulation; and if undertaken with fewer men, a faicomplain that the sovereign of the ocean is not powlure of the enterprize would probably be the conerful to no purpose, and does no descend and put Great Britain is the same Great Britain we ensequence. Besides, sir, we should recollect, that himself on a level with the imbecility of the United and although some

was

States, with their dozen ships. Unpardonable is the countered in 1775, 1776, &c. grievance that the Leviathan is not as powerless as gentlemen seemed to suppose, that she the Cod: that the Jackall, whom nature meant for fully occupied with her Europe in war; that sh the Lion's provider, is not permitted to divert its was impoverished, fighting for her existence, &c provender to the support of the Tyger, with a view &c. and of course had at command very little dispos

to the destruction of the Lion.

"The speech may not say these things in direct terms; but such will unquestionably be its mean ing:

able force, he viewed the subject very differently.

It is true, Great Britain is engaged with a formida ble enemy; but hitherto she has greatly the advanage in the war. Where has she lost one inch of territory? What acquisition of territory and popu.

lation has she not made, both in the East and West, terms, as to have set the whole nation on fire; if; Indies? What obstacle is she now opposing to the after all this, we should taper down to providing Occupation of the southern peninsula by her enemy 10,000 men to subdue such a crisis, would it not be So far from her population being diminished at a wonderful discovery in the art of sinking? Would home, it appeared to be greatly increased by the t not undervaine the resources and energies of the last census, notwitstanding all the distresses and nation? Would it not insult and deceive the na starvations, we have heard of, &c. Count the tional spirit and expectations? Whether he viewed number of French and English prisoners, and you this subject in reference to the interests of the nation will find that Great Britain has the advantage of or the party in power, he should equally protest perhaps ten to one. Her fleet is unrivalled-of against this little miserable policy of resorting to Course left more free to act than at any time during means so utterly incompetent to the objects. Ho the revolutionary war. He therefore concluded that cautioned the party in power now as he often had we should have to centend now with the same Great done before, against longer sporting with the naBritain, we did then, with renovated powers and tional sensibility, the national character and the resou C. Yet to this power, it is proposed to national interests.

eppose only 10,000 additional troops Mr. G. said

it was uncertain how long Great Britain might degree of force required, the committee was precluded Mr. Giles said, in making the calculations of the keep her army upon the peninsula; but whenever it taking into the estimate an auxiliary force to be deshall be withdrawn, either by choice or necessity,rived from the militia: because an impression appearshe will have a very formidable disposable force, ined to be almost universally entertained,that congress numbers, skill and bravery; and whether she with could not constitutionally command the services of draws that army or not, you will find that she will the militia beyond the limits of the United States; command a respectable force for the protection of of course the regular force must be proportionably Canada, if you wait for the breaking up of the ice augmented. He said, although he believed he stood wbich now envelopes all the avenues of that country single and alone, he protested against this doctrine, Time therefore is all important, and not a momentHe did not propose now to examine this question for preparations ought to be lost. -because it would be useless. He would,however,

France, it is true, has astonishingly aggrandized read the clause of the constitution, which gave to herself during the existing war in Europe: but it congress the power of calling forth the militia, and has been done at the expense of other nations, not of make one or two remarks on it. Congress shall Great Britain. Great Britain has had her share of have power "to provide for calling forth the mili the spoils also. tia, to execute the laws of the union, to suppress in

Let us then not undervalue our enemy. Sir, this surrections, and repel invasions." The first object project of limiting our efforts to 10,000 men, seems for which the militia may be called forth, is to exeto be too much upon the plan of a scare crow, and cute the laws of the union. A law declaring war, it appeared to be regarded in that light by some is a law of the union; and if the war is to be carrigentlemen. He said Great Britain was the last na ed on beyond the limits of the United States, it is tion on earth, that he would undertake to frighten still a law to be executed, although beyond the liwith scare-crows; besides, even upon the scare crow mits of the United States; and he could see no plan, he should suppose that 25,000 men would be reason why the militia could not be called forth to better than 10,000. Mr. G. said, he disliked this execute it. Indeed it is one of those laws, to the project extremely, from another consideration execution of which force is indispensably and prowhich it forcibly impressed upon his mind. It perly applicable; and it the laws can have a legiti must evidently have been recommended by the mate influence beyond the limits of the United same spirit and policy which had heretofore relied States, the power of congress over the militia must upon the chapter of accidents for success, and not be co-extensive with the laws, which are thus upon our own energies and resources. It seems to required to be executed. He would only observe have been founded on the hope, that Great Britain further, that when this sub ect was more particu would recede without an effort on our part. It is a larly brought into discussion on a former occasion, fallacious hope. The hope itself will always defeat it was said, that even in Great Britain, the militia its own objects, by avoiding the means necessary to could not be ordered out of Great Britain; no, not He said we had enjoyed even to Ireland. But it should now be recollected, a long course of prosperity; but we ought not to that since that time, the British parliament, without calculate upon a perpetual exemption from the comeven a question as to the right, has ordered British mon calamities of nations. When days of adversity militia to Ireland, and Irish militia to Great Britain. shall arrive, we should meet them with becoming Twenty-six regiments are said to be transposed at fortitude and energy. He deprecated that spirit, this time.

ensure its own success.

which appeared to be longing and whining Mr. G. said that in considering the peculiar geoafter prosperity that is past, as if it feared to graphical situation of the United States; with colook adversity in the face, Mr. president, when lonies at each end of them, belonging to power ul adversity comes, you must look her in the face; distant nations, with which we may be often brought yes, sir, you must stare her out of countenance; into collision, it would be unfortunate for the Unit you must meet her with courage and with means ed States, if the militia bordering on the lines of sufficient to subdue her. Mr. president, if after we separation, could not be called forth for any purpose have been solemnly called together to receive of chastisement, or any other object the government communications of great and weighty matters might have in view, in relation to those colonies or and after our meeting have been told, that our in their respective mother countries. If such be the dependence is at hazard; that there is actual war, unfortunate organization or interpretation of the both in character and effect, upon our lawful com constitution, an amendment for remedying so immerce brought home to the threshold of our territo- portant a defect ought to be instantly proposed and ry that rights are trampled upon which no inde adopted. Its inconvenience is now sensibly felt, in pendent nation can relinquish, &c. &c. when in recluding all reliance upon that important auxiliaShort, our wrongs are painted in such glowing ry force. Gentlemen, however, propose to remedy